The Story of Union Forces in South Texas During the Civil War
Compiled and Edited by
Norman Rozeff
Harlingen Historical Preservation Society
Revised January 2010

Key Words: Civil War, Union Forces, South Texas, Rio Grande Valley

With an aim to provide a comprehensive but brief overview of Union activities in the Lower Rio Grande Valley during the Civil War, this narrative borrows freely from published and online resources.

The history begins, of course, with Secession of Texas from the Union. This was initiated January 28, 1861 when, at an ad hoc Secession Convention, the delegates overwhelmingly approved an ordinance of secession. It was then ratified by almost a 4 to 1 popular vote on 2/23/61. The state government was reorganized with secession loyalists taking office, and the state then went on to join the Confederacy after seceding from the Union on March 2, 1861.

All told, in early 1861, there were 2,500 U.S. soldiers along the Rio Grande, the western frontier, and at the Eighth Military Department headquartered in San Antonio. They were organized in ten companies, five of which were infantry and the remainder cavalry and artillery. There were United States troops garrisoning Fort Brown and the Ringgold Barracks in the Lower Rio Grande Valley (LRGV). These were companies of the First Artillery and Companies C and E of the Third Infantry according to Frank Cushman Pierce in his Texas' Last Frontier. These were under Major W. H. French, 1st and 2nd Artillery, Fort Brown; Lieut.Col. E. Backus, 3rd Infantry, Fort Brown; Capt. B. H. Hill, 1st Artillery; Lieut. James Thompson, 2nd Artillery; and 2nd Lieut. G. D. Bailey, 2nd Artillery.

At the Brazos Island Depot on February 21, its commander, Lt. James Thompson with only 12 Regular Army artillerymen under him, was confronted by Col. John Salmon "Rip" Ford and E. B. Nichols, Commissioner for Texas. They had sailed from New Orleans after embarking with six companies comprizing about 500 men. From the Southern Steamship Company they had chartered the steamer General Rush and the Shark, a schooner. Thompson had no other option than to surrender the place and property. The Federals had tried to destroy stores and arms that were at the depot, but a considerable quantity was retrieved by Texas forces landing on the island. After Ford lined his troops in three ranks the American flag was slowly lowered and the Lonestar flag of Texas raised.

Even before the ratification was completed Nichols arrived in Brownsville on 2/22/61 and in an interview with Capt.B. H. Hill, commanding Fort Brown, asked those of the U.S. Army who were not inclined to join the Confederacy to depart the state but leave behind arms and ordnance. This latter request was refused. Hill was irrate at the demands and felt that the initiators should be arrested as traitors. He had little choice in the matter when word reached him from Brevet Major General David E. Twiggs, commander of the Eighth Militry Department (Department of Texas). Signed on February 18, 1861 it directed the surrender of all Federal troops and property in the state.

The Steamer Daniel Webster with Maj. Fitz John Porter, Assistant Adjutant General U. S. Army Fort Brown, departed New York on 2/15/61 and arrived at Brazos de Santiago on March 3 to commence evacuating Federal troops. Porter was assisted by Captain George Stoneman of the 2nd Cavalry and Commisioner Nichols. Transported to New York were Companies M, Second Artillery, and Companies C and E of the 3rd Infantry. By March 21 the last U.S. officers had departed. One historian noted that Captain Stoneman " 'upon a touching appeal from Colonel Ford' left behind his company's weapons for use of civilians against possible Indian attack." Stoneman and Ford were friendly as they had together fought Indians along the wild frontier of the state. Almost immediately with their departure the Confederates took control of the garrisons. They were not to remain there however as the position would be poorly defensible against possible Union warship bombardments.

A delayed Associated Press report in the Harper's Weekly of April 13, 1861 presents an account and is accompanied by an excellent sketch of Point Isabel's landing facilities at the time.

THE "DANIEL WEBSTER" AT
POINT ISABEL, TEXAS.

WE publish on page 225, from a drawing by Government draughtsman, a view of Point Isabel with the steamer Daniel Webster lying off the coast. Point Isabel was a place of note in the Mexican War, and the name will be familiar to on readers. The Webster arrived here from thence, on Saturday, March 30, with United States troops.

The reporter of the Associated Press states :

"When the Webster sailed there were left at Fort Brown one company Third Artillery, Captain Dawson commanding, and two companies of Second Cavalry Captain Stoneman commanding. The posts in the upper parts of Texas had generally been abandoned, and the troop, were being concentrated on the sea-coast. Colonel Backus was at Fort Brown, and two companies Third Infantry under Major Sibley, were expected soon. The Indians followed the march of the troops, and committed great havoc among the people, killing some and running off their stock. Major Sibley chastised some of the savages. Great fear is felt all along the line of the Rio Grande, and indeed the whole frontier, of attack from Indians. Cortinas was understood to be simply waiting the departure of the Federal troops to recommence operations on a larger scale than heretofore, and in which he was checked by the army of last year.

" The Daniel Webster passed the Star of the West about two hundred miles off Tortugas. The Daniel Webster has had a remarkably pleasant passage, and the troops on board are all in fine health. When they reached Key West they found the people very much excited, and apparently not inclined to furnish them with fresh water ;but finding that the troops were determined to take by force, if necessary, whatever supplies were needed, they complied with the request, although with very ill grace. The troops which arrived here on Saturday in the Daniel Webster proceeded to Fort Hamilton Saturday night, where they will remain until further orders are received from headquarters."

The small USS Montgomery, under the command of Capt. Charles Hunter, had arrived off the mouth of the Rio Grande on April 29. The captain sent a message ashore to Capt. W. H. Brewin, CSA, at the Brazos Santiago Depot giving the post one day to evacuate any woman and children before commencing a bombardment of the area. Brewin then withdrew his forces beyond the gunnery range of the ship.

As noted above, on 2/21/61 Texas Confederate States of America (CSA) troops under Col. John Ford had captured the U.S. Depot with its mortars, siege guns, and ordnance in the town of Brazos de Santiago on the north end of Brazos Island. General John P. MaGruder of the CSA ordered the blasting of the Point Isabel Lighthouse, but, when executed, it was only damaged. Later its lenses were removed and buried in the backyard of Ford's Brownsville residence.

A ranger with Ford wrote a letter to a friend who in turn forwarded it to the [Little Rock] Arkansas True Democrat. It was reported in part as follows: "We arrived here on the 20th inst., Col. Ford being commander-in-chief of our company. He is better known in the State as 'Old Rip', and is said to be always in a bad humor unless he is engaged in a fight.

He had scarely gotten more than half-way from the steamer to the barracks when he ordered the American flag to be pulled down and the lone star to be raised in its place. But after some time parlying he was persuaded by his brother officers to show the enemy a little more respect, and he accordingly gave them an hour to breathe. The United States flag was then struck in silence, no one seeming to exalt over it. But when the lone star went up a deafening shout came from Ford and his four hundred and fifty rangers

We have taken about fifty pieces of artillery and will go over to the Rio Grande to-morrow for the purpose of attacking the fort at Brownsville. They are aware of our intentions and are said to be busy making preparations to give us a 'warm reception'. They have one hundred forty field pieces and about three hundred and fifty soldiers, their position behind the fort giving them greatly the advantage. We received a dispatch this evening informing us that they intend to resist to the death.

Our men are nearly all armed with a Minnie rifle, a six-shooter, and a cutlass. You may look for interesting news by the next steamer."

Louis J. Wortham in his "A History of Texas: From Wilderness to Commonwealth" goes on to tell us:

It was the Succession Convention of February 1861 that commissioned Colonels John S. "Rip" Ford and Henry E. McCulloch, both Indian fighters and Rangers, to each enlist a regiment for border service for short periods, six to twelve months in the Confederate service. McCulloch's and Dalyrimple's forces were consolidated and afterwards reorganized as the First Texas Mounted Rifles.

This command was succeeded by an organization first known as the Frontier Regiment organized as State troops in 1862 and afterwards known as the 36th Texas Cavalry in the Confederate service. In the spring of 1864 Governor Murrah transferred the regiment to the Confederate service, and it was sent to the west. In 1863 and 1864, another regiment, which had several engagements with Indians, was in the frontier commanded by Colonel James Bourland. The last State troops on the northwest frontier during the winter of 1864 and spring of 1865 were 200 men under Major John Henry Brown. This force was disbanded in May 1865.

Later as part of the 32nd Brigade, Cameron County provided the 12th Infantry (CSA), a unit, usually composed of 115 men.

As the war progressed and the Union Navy became more adept at blockading Atlantic and Gulf of Mexico ports of the Confederate states, the South took another tact to continue exporting its most valuable commodity—cotton. Money-generating cotton was funneled through Texas into Mexico. Texas became a "blockade-running haven" referred to as the "back door" of the Confederacy.

In July 1861 President Abraham Lincoln gave an order to blockade all rebel seaports, including that of Brazos de Santiago (transl.: Arms of St. James) on Brazos Island. Little was accomplished along the South Texas coast until, on 12/5/61, a naval blockade was organized at Point Isabel. This was extended to Brazos Santiago on 2/24/62, one of the participating Federal vessels being the U.S.S. Portsmouth, a 22-gun sloop of war. On May 10, 1863 the U.S.S. Brooklyn sent small boats over the Brazos Santiago Pass bar into the bay to attack schooners involved in smuggling. [Note: Brazos Santiago Pass is that now defined by the jetties projecting from the extreme south end of South Padre Island and the northernmost extent of Brazos Island]. Soon circumventive action was taken by the merchants who were exporting smuggled, southern cotton via Mexico, moving it down the last stretch of the Rio Grande from Matamoros, and then offshore through Brazos Santiago. To avoid confiscation by blockading navy forces they began to fly the flag of Mexico on the lighter boats ferrying the cotton to British ships. It did not take long, that in violation of international neutrality laws, British ships suspected of delivering munitions and the like to the Confederacy via Mexico were seized by the Union off Brazos Island. These seizures led, of course to diplomatic protests. Eventually the British made sure to anchor in Mexican waters for discharge of merchandise to Bagdad, Mexico and the subsequent on-loading of cotton bales.

Anthony Fandino wrote an article titled "at anchor at the mouth of the Riogrande". It appeared surprisingly in the May 2008 issue of U.S. Stamp News, the reason being that it touched upon a stamped letter originating from the Portsmouth. Mail and other supplies were bring delivered to the blockade vessels by the US Navy supply steamers USS Rhode Island and USS Connecticut. Fandino relates "On 2/1/62 Captain S. Swarthout in command of the sloop Portsmouth approached the British steamer Labuan and noticed it being loaded with cotton by a smaller steamer flying a Confederate flag. The lighter suddenly fled to the Texas shore. Captain Swarthout reasoned correctly that the source of the cotton was Texas. The boarding party confirmed this. The ship was seized and sent to a northern prize court. However the resulting court case released the Labuan, as despite her loading Texas cotton she had been at anchor in neutral waters, this making her safe from seizure. Under the Guadalupe Hidalgo Treaty of 1848 the mouth of the Rio Grande was made a neutral zone never to be blockaded by the U. S.or Mexico one mile north or south."

A letter from a sailor aboard the Portsmouth is reprinted in the article. Together with its misspellings and lack of punctuation, it reads:

Miss Annie Garland, Newington NH

US Ship Slupe of War Portsmouth Feb 26, 1862

My Dear Sister I rete myself to write you a few lines to let you know how I am getting along my health is good at preasant I have bin well ever since I left We are laying at anchor at the mouth of the Riogrande Riogrande separate Mexico from Texas We have three prises one of them is a large steimer loaded with cotton We have got a few prisoners aboard I have written two letters to you cause I had started and I have not received any from you I suppose the people begun to talk about town meeting bi this time I want father to settle with Willey and let George Avoy have five dollars of it I want you to send me a paper tell miry to keep up a stiff upper lip I must close up mi letter for there is no chance to write so good by your brother and well wishes

When you write direct your letter to US Ship slupe of war Portsmouth Blokadeing Squadron

I want you to send me som silk thread send three kinds of red wite and pink I want to make stars of you need not send but a little

From Ralph Wooster in the Handbook of Texas Online we learn more about the trading action:

Trade with Mexico made more materials available to Texas than any other Confederate state. In return for cotton, Texas received military supplies, medicines, dry goods, food, iron goods, liquor, coffee, and tobacco. Matamoros on the Rio Grande across from Brownsville and Bagdad, Tamaulipas, a seaport village at the mouth of the Rio Grande, were the centers of this activity, in which thousands of vessels from Europe and the United States engaged in a flourishing business. The trade was interrupted from time to time by Union military activities along the Texas coast but even so provided many items needed by Texas during the war.

Few realize that the cotton brokerage and sales entities in New York City were such a major part of that city's economy that many there, including the city's mayor, involved in those operations opposed the war due to its negative effects on their livelihoods.

The Valley area and the Confederate soldiers assigned here were under the control of Col. P. N. Luckett and Col. John S. Ford until Gen. H. P. Bee arrived on 1/29/63. From Fort Brown to Rio Grande City the Confederate force numbered between 1,200 and 1,500 men.

The military strategy of the North generally relegated Texas operations to the back burner but did make sporadic attempts to achieve specific goals. Wortham summarizes the Union events as follows:

The third attempt to invade Texas was more successful, but it caused no inconvenience to the thickly settled parts of the state. Indeed, its purpose was not primarily to subjugate Texas. The French had just seized Mexico and, in as much as the United States, under the Monroe Doctrine, was opposed to French plans in connection with that seizure it was feared by the Federal government that France might join forces with the Confederacy and thus complicate the war. In order to prevent any direct access from the French through Mexico, the Federals decided to occupy the Texas coast near the Mexican border. On 11/5/1863, therefore, an army of 6,000 Federals under General Banks took possession of Brownsville, the small force of Confederates there retiring without resistance. During the next two months Banks extended his operations by occupying Corpus Christi, Aransas Pass, Mustang Island, Pass Cavallo, St. Joseph Island, Indianola, and Port Lavaca.

After the French scare passed, however it was decided to attempt an invasion of Texas by way of the Red River, and all of the Federal forces along the south coast were withdrawn, except a small body of troops which occupied Brownsville. An expedition started from New Orleans with the role of invading East Texas but was defeated by Confederate forces before reaching the Texas border. Later the small force at Brownsville was withdrawn, and Texas remained free from the menace of French invasion during the rest of the war.

Much has been written by Civil War historians about Maj. Gen. Nathaniel P. Banks. Banks had been a politician in Massachusetts, and then nationally, from 1849. Considered by President Lincoln for a cabinet post, he was eventually chosen as one of the first major generals of volunteers on 5/16/61. He was resented by United State Military Academy graduates despite the fact he "brought political benefits to the administration, including the ability to attract recruits and money for the Federal cause." His Shenandoah (1862) and Red River (1864) Campaigns are looked upon as defeats for his Union forces.

After the defeat of Confederate-occupied Vicksburg by General Grant, and pretty much complete control of the Mississippi River was then obtained by Federal forces, attention was paid to South Texas.

Various reports outline the activities that occurred. Primarily these are from the adjutants general of the different states. These are the chief administrative officers of an army and who are responsible especially for administration and preservation of personnel records.

Gen. Banks was commanding the Department of the Gulf with Maj. Gen. Napoleon J. T. Dana its Second Division, Thirteenth Army Corps. Under the latter fell the Second Brigade that took on the Rio Grande Expedition and operations on the coast of Texas. It was under the command of Col. William McEntire Dye. The units it initially encompassed were the 94th Illinois, 19th Iowa, 20th Iowa, 13th Maine, 20th Wisconsin, 1st Missouri Artillery (Battery B), 15th Maine, 1st Engineers (Corps d'Afrique, a Black unit), 1st Texas Cavalry, and Pioneer Company (another Black unit).

The formation of the Black units deserves some clarification. The history of the 87th Infantry—Old, US Colored Troops is as follows: It was organized at New Orleans, Louisiana in October 1863 as the 16th Infantry, Corps d'Afrique; designated this regiment, April 4, 1864, consolidated with the 95th Colored Infantry, November 26, 1864, to form the 81st Colored Infantry (new), designation changed to 87th Colored Infantry (new), August 14, 1865. The Pioneer Company also consisted of Black soldiers, primarily doing engineering duties. Additional Colored troops of the 87th were assigned to Brazos Island duty from 9/64 to 5/65 after having been stationed in Morganza, Louisiana.

The Union Army in the Civil War was organized as follows:
company—82 privates, 13 sergeants and corporals, 2 lieutenants, 1 captain or 98 total;

infantry regiment—10 companies or 980 men commanded by a colonel, assisted by a lt. colonel and major;

cavalry regiment—12 companies;

brigade—initially 2 regiments or about 2,000 men commanded by a major general or brig. general;

division—several brigades (normally 3);

corps—several divisions;

army—group of more than one corps.

Initial recruitment for a regiment would be 1,100 with the expectation that reduced numbers would occur due to attrition. As the war progressed losses brought inroads to the stated numbers and in some instances regimental units were combined.

Maj.-Gen. Francis J. Herron took command of the Union forces in the Valley on 1/3/64. Pierce gives a total figure of 6,479 U. S. soldiers along with 16 heavy guns and 12 field guns in the LRGV. General Bee, CSA, had reported to his superiors on 11/5/63 that the 26 Union transports had landed 6,998 troops. Even using spies this could only be a guess.

By February 1864 Major-Gen. Herron would report the garrisoning of Brownsville by the Second Division composed of two brigades. The First Brigade was composed of the 37th Illinois Infantry, 26th Indiana Infantry, 91st Illinois Infantry, the 38th Iowa Infantry, and Battery E, 1st Missouri Artillery with 1,172 men all told. The Second Brigade consisted of the 20th Wisconsin Infantry, 19th Iowa Infantry, the 94th Illinois Infantry, and Battery B, 1st Missouri Artillery with a total of 918 men. In addition there were 925 cavalry, though available horses only numbered 650. Herron wished to enhance this number by purchasing local horses at the cost of $40-50 gold or $60-65 in treasury notes. The 37th Illinois and 26th Indiana were old regiments that would re-enlist as veterans but would be furloughed within 30 days.

This would put the Brownsville manning at about 3,647 soldiers. In addition Herron listed the two regiments of Colored troops at Point Isabel and Brazos Island. In all these totaled 632 men.

Herron emphasized to his superiors the economic importance of the region to the Confederacy, namely its channeling of cotton into Mexico. He noted that the Matamoros cotton merchant, Belden, had such a great vested interest in the successful smuggling of cotton into Mexico that he had supplied a large number of pistols to Confederate Col. Benavides at Laredo. The merchant Samuel N. Belden, in partnership with Charles Stillman and Simon Mussina, had in 1848 formed the Brownsville Town Company.

Herron went on to clarify the situation. He transmitted the following information:

There would be strong inducements for the rebels to attack this post if weakened, for the following reasons: Before the occupation of Brownsville by the Federal troops this was the main crossing for cotton from Texas to Mexico, and for passing goods back. Since our arrival here they have been forced to cross at Eagle Pass, miles north, but within the past two weeks Vidauri (sic), governor of the States of Nuevo Leon and Coahuila, has been seizing all cotton crossed into his States for an old debt due from the Confederate Government to citizens of Monterrey, and principally to one Milmo, his son-in-law. This action, of course, has made the blockage of the Rio Grande complete.

Most of the rebel officers in Texas are directly interested in the cotton now awaiting shipment to Mexico, and will not hesitate to use troops to get it over if that will do it. If passed into the States of Nuevo Leon and Coahuila, it will be seized, and the only State left to them is Tamaulipas. There is no point above Brownsville that they could cross into Tamaulipas with subjecting themselves to attack from us, and therefore it would be just as well for them to open the route through Brownsville if possible. So great is the pecuniary interest of the Governor of Texas and the military officers in this matter that 2,500 troops can be had for such a purpose whenever necessary, and whenever that number of troops can accomplish it. A majority of the merchants in Matamoras have large amounts due them from these same cotton operators, and are therefore anxious to have some means devised for getting cotton through, and will furnish both money and arms for the purpose.

The general pointed out the importance of Brazos Santiago as the only good harbor within 150 miles on either side of the Rio Grande. The depth of water on Brazos Bar was given at 9 feet while the mouth of the Rio Grande had only 2 feet clearance.

Many of the aforementioned units had come down the Mississippi River after the battle of Vicksburg. Banks had tried to seize Sabine Pass, Texas, but "the expedition was a disgraceful failure." He then decided to move on to the South Texas coast after first hiding his intentions with a feint on Opelousas, Louisiana.

The landlubberly army troops were to experience a defining period in their lives. Their transport to Texas would leave them with lifelong impressions. What they were to encounter at sea was an intense, deep, low-pressure system accompanying the passage of a continental cold front. The storm that passed over them left an indelible imprint on their collective memories. The twenty-three transport steamer ships had commenced their voyage from Louisiana in two parallel columns spaced one-half mile apart.

Edwin B. Lufkin, a private of Co E, 13th Maine wrote of the succeeding events in a memoir published in 1898. His experiences of embarking and crossing the Gulf of Mexico are mirrored in other accounts. To quote:

The morning of Oct.23rd dawned dull and gloomy. During the forenoon there were occasional showers, each heavier than the one preceding, and by the middle of the afternoon the rain began in earnest. At 4 p.m. the regiment left its comfortable quarters, marched to the levee in the poring rain, and went aboard the new steamer Clinton, of the Crescent City Line, where we found the 15th Maine already embarked. The steamer was so badly crowded that there was not room for nearly all the men to lie down, and many had to sleep that night in a sitting position. About dark, the steamer moved up river and anchored at Carrolton, where the next day the regimental baggage and horses were taken on board. Three companies of the 15th Maine were transferred to the Steamer Gen. Banks (formerly the Creole) thus making it possible for those who remained to lie down, by close packing.

About 4 p.m. the steamer returned to the city and took on board several life-boats, then continued down river, passing Fort Jackson about midnight, and at 2 a.m. next morning anchoring at the head of the passes, where the expeditionary force was assembling. After daylight, on attempting to fill water casks, the water in the river was found to be salt; a strong southeast gale having driven the water from the gulf up into the river. The steamer, therefore, went back up the river in search of fresh water, but did not find any fit to use until the Quarantine Station, forty miles from the mouth of the river, was reached, and even there was brackish.

In the morning of the 27th, we dropped down through the Southwest Pass and anchored again. In the afternoon the expedition sailed, being convoyed by several gunboats. Many of the steamers, including the Clinton, each had a sailing vessel in tow, loaded with stores.

Nothing of note occurred until the 30th, when there was a shower, followed by heavy wind; the water becoming so rough that the men on the hurricane deck were ordered into the cabin, as they were in danger of being pitched overboard. The schooner which was in tow sprung a leak, and by evening had taken so much water that it had to be abandoned, the crew being saved with much difficulty.

The next morning, though the wind had gone down, not another vessel could be seen from the Clinton's deck; but during the day most of the expedition reassembled, and in the afternoon we came in sight of Padre Island, on the coast of Texas. Shortly after noon, Nov.1st, the Clinton anchored off Brazos Santiago Pass, a few miles northeast of the mouth of the Rio Grande.

Henry Carl Ketzle of Company A, 37th Illinois Volunteer Infantry and called the Illinois Greyhounds, also put down his sea transport experiences in a Civil War Diary. He relates of the passage:

Embark by noon of the 23rd on the G. Peabody along with two troops of 1st Texas Cavalry. Drop down past Crescent—26th go down to head of passes and by noon October 27th steam through southwest pass into Gulf—on the 28th under convoy of gunboats start in regular line across the heaving bosom of the Gulf of Mexico (need I say how he exacted his tribute of nearly all of us) had fair weather and sailing on the 29th, but on the morning of the 30th it was quite stormy and rough, so much so that our rudder chain snapped and thus left the boat unmanageable—boat hands with the assistance of our boys (most of Company D being old lake sailors) soon fixed the steering apparatus with ropes, block and tackle thereby we were able to keep in our course but soon we noticed other boats having apparently worst trouble than we, as some we could see white flags hoisted.

Morning of October 31st found us on place of rendezvous, assigned by General, where we found a dispatch boat and soon others followed till afternoon when Generals Banks and Dana, in their boats ordered us into proper line, but 7 vessels of the fleet were still missing. On the 1st of November by 4 p.m. we dropped anchor near Brazos San Diego.

At one point eleven mules, one battery wagon, and forage for the livestock aboard were thrown overboard to lighten the draft of a wallowing ship. The General Banks ran low on fuel and had to be towed by another steamer. Captain Edward Gee Miller of the 20th Wisconsin was another who described the rough seas. He noted one sailor being swept overboard and lost.

David Wildman tells yet another story of the stormy crossing, this time relating the experiences of Lt.T.L. Dilley of the 38th Iowa Volunteer Regiment. According to Wildman "On October 23, 1863, the regiment embarked on the ocean steamer, Empire City, and joined the expedition to Texas, under the command of Maj.Gen. Banks. There were sixteen transports loaded with troops, and three gunboats accompanied the fleet. The fleet went to sea on October 28th, and on the 30th, encountered a heavy storm, during which one of the vessels foundered, but the troops, which she carried, were removed to the Empire City, and no lives were lost."

Lt. Dilley on board the Belvadier (sic) composed letters dated October 31 through November 1, 1863 and addressed to Capt. Know, then editor of the Indianola (Iowa) Visitor. They read:

Dear Captain—As the sea is not very rough today, I embrace the opportunity to write you another prosy epistle, hoping the same may have a salutary effect upon the good people generally. We set sail from New Orleans on Sunday, 25th inst., at 3 p.m. a large concourse of citizens assembled upon the wharf to witness our departure; and as the vessel pushed off and headed downstream, a farewell salute was fired which made the welkin ring with everything but melody. After passing the city the first object, which engaged our attention, was the battle-ground upon which General Jackson defeated the British forces under command of Packingham. We saw the monument erected upon the battlefield, in honor of that patriot and hero, General Jackson. On Sunday night, we anchored at the head of the Balize, where we remained until Tuesday morning. At nine a.m. Tuesday we passed over the bar and anchored near the delta of the southwest pass of the Mississippi River.

After arranging the preliminaries of the voyage and firing thirteen guns in honor of General Banks, we raised anchor and set sail in a southwesterly direction. We soon found ourselves sailing on the bosom of the great briny substance, far from home, land, and everything pleasant or desirable. Nothing occurred to mar our joy until after several hours' sailing, when suddenly a score of men and officers were seized with a violent upheaving of great alimentary depository, which resulted in the summary ejection of all that had been deposited during the day. As we felt no disposition to "upheave", we, of course, laughed at those who did, which, to them was cold comfort.

On Wednesday morning we had but few aboard who were not prostrated by "seasickness." Lieutenant Martin, Swank, and myself were the only lieutenants who were able for duty. The sea during Wednesday and part of Thursday was rather rough, but not enough to terrify the timid or unsophisticated. The barometer on Tuesday evening indicated that a change was going on in the elements above, and that a storm would probably overtake us ere we entered port of destination. This proved to be no mistake; for at five o'clock

on Friday morning, there was a sudden gale from the north, accompanied with rain. The sea began to move with great violence, the ship rolled to and fro as if in great agony, the inmates were awakened from their slumbers and arose from their beds, only to be dashed from one side of the ship to the other, or to witness the increased fury of an angry ocean. The waves loomed like mountains; and as they lashed against the ship and swept over the fore-castle, she trembled as if shaken by an earthquake. The heavens grew more dark, the winds rage with greater fury, the ocean groaned with greater anger, and the waves lashed with greater violence; and as the deep, solemn roar of the sea greeted our ears, and the waves rolled on in whitened madness, as the ship quivered, rolled and plunged like a mountain in labor, as she rode on the top of a towering wave and then with quickened speed descended into the opining chasms below, we thought all would be lost—that the next moment or the next wave might carry us down to a watery grave. Thoughts of the future, of home, of friends, of a watery grave far out at sea, rushed across our minds like an electric flash, and can you, dear Captain, imagine our feelings at that moment? Nay; they are beyond the description of an angel, and can only be comprehended by those who have witnessed a storm at sea. The storm continued unabated until in the afternoon, when the clouds became broken, the winds hushed, and the sea calmed. As our terror and fright in the storm was great, so was our joy when the storm ceased and the sea resumed its calmness. We have often heard and talked of the "calm cerulean sea", "a life on the ocean wave", "a home on the roaring deep", but such poetic phrases are "played out", and the sea has no charms for us except of grandeur. We often thought, when we were young and had matrimony in our head, that when we became so fortunate as to get a wife, we would indulge in a wedding tour across the ocean, but alas! For such boyish thoughts, they are gone: gone to the moles and bats. With the light of age, wisdom and experience, we are prepared to say when we marry, yeas marry, we would prefer spending a fortnight, or even a month, in a lonely and deserted cabin in a western prairie, rather than cross the ocean with all the pomp and paraphernalia of an Emperor. We are heartily tired of that thing called a gulf, sea, or ocean, and long to plant our feet upon old mother earth.

The ships, being eighteen or twenty, kept together until separated by the storm, and up to this time, they have not been gathered together; probably some have perished. We expect to land tomorrow at some point not far from the mouth of the Rio Grande River.

November 1st--- The ships, during the night, wandered about as if lost, and of course, made little headway. We have been out to sea five days, and have not even seen land in the dim distance. How long we are to remain out of sight of land and rebels, Diety only knows. From the delta of the Mississippi to the mouth of the Rio Grande, is a distance of five hundred mile, which ought to be sailed in forty-eight hours, but we are occupying three times as many hours. There is a strong gale blowing from the south today, which will keep us from landing, as we cannot venture in shallow water while the wind blows to the land.

Six o'clock p.m.—At two and a half p.m., the fleet came in sight of land, and if you possess a comprehensive imagination, and a vivid conception, you can perhaps, realize to some extent, at least, the joy which filled our hearts and ravished our souls. Columbus, and his mutinous crew, could not have felt more joyous than we, when the sandy coast of Texas peered above the dashing waves.

The honor on November 2, 1863 of being the first to unfurl its colors on the newly seized territory went to the 19th Iowa Infantry, under Major John Bruce.

One last account of the voyage is provided by J. S. Clark, historian of the 34th Iowa Regiment. He comments:

On the 24th of October 1863, our division embarked at Carrollton on Steamer Belvidere, reaching the mouth of the Mississippi and the Gulf of Mexico on the 27th, and after a tedious and stormy voyage, during which storm to save the ships the cavalry horses of the command were thrown overboard, and on the third of November arrived at Brazos de Santiago. Nine days were occupied in the passage for which three was the usual time.

Nearly all were very sea sick, and during the 30th, men lashed themselves to the sides with ropes, otherwise they would have been washed overboard.

While the worst part of the passage was behind them there still awaited some dangers associated with landing. When the fleet did arrive off the island, seas were still too rough to chance a landing that day. Some of the larger vessels let the cavalry horses swim for shore. The George Peabody, the ship carrying some of the First Texas Cavalry, slung twenty-five horses overboard; only seven made it to the beach. Even the next day as the surf had subsided somewhat two sailors and seven soldiers drowned when a boat from the Owasco was swamped during the embarkation. A dispatch dated Nov. 3 states "Commenced landing by lighters and small boat on Brazos Island, consuming several days, and losing two steamers and two schooners."

Lufkin of the 13th Maine relates:

About noon of Nov. 2nd, the Gen. Banks and the Clinton were ordered to cross the bar and land their troops. The Gen. Banks, a steamer of light draught, went ahead and crossed the bar without difficulty. Then came a trial for the Clinton. The channel was narrow and crooked, with barely water enough for the steamer, while the breakers were running dangerously high. Her commander, Capt. Baxter, a brave and skillful old sailor, gave the order to go ahead slowly; and with only good steerage-way the steamer cautiously approached the bar.

The scene at that moment can never be forgotten by those who stood on the deck of the Clinton, uncertain whether the next hour would see them safely ashore or trying to escape in life-boats from a stranded vessel. The unclouded, noon-day sun, shone from a sky of as a brilliant a blue as poet or painter ever gave the sky of Italy. On the right, the low, sandy shore of Padre Island extended farther than the eye could reach; on the left, the high, round-topped sand hills of Brazos Island hid the distant mainland from view; and a little farther away, beyond the mouth of the Rio Grande, lay the chaparral-fringed Mexican coast, with the dark blue wall of the Guadeloupe mountains in the background [this is quite a stretch of imagination on the part of the author]; straight ahead, a few miles distant, stood a lofty landmark, the white lighthouse of Point Isabel while close at hand tossed the fierce breakers of Brazos Santiago bar.

With a sailor at each cathead, constantly heaving the lead, the Clinton moved slowly ahead in the narrow, crooked pass, and soon reached the most dangerous place, where just at the shoalest point the channel made a sharp bend. The order was given to starboard the helm, but the quartermaster who was then on duty, confused by his responsibility, made a mistake and turned the wheel the wrong way. "Starboard! Starboard!! Hard-a-starboard!!!" shouted old Captain Baxter. "What kind of a man are you? Fourteen years quartermaster and don't know starboard from port."

The error was quickly rectified and the bow slowly swung in the right direction; but it came too late, for the deeply loaded steamer struck heavily twice, though fortunately not sticking fast. The most dangerous place being passed, Capt. Baxter gave the order: "Hook her on, Mr. Synder and go ahead strong!" And, although rubbing the bottom several times, we were soon over the bar and in good water.

Preparations for landing were quickly made. Capt. Baxter, hurriedly lowering his boats, endeavored to land the first troops and succeeded in doing so.; but for some reason, our flag was not carried ashore till after one band had been landed from the Gen. Banks, thus losing for the Thirteenth the honor of displaying the

first flag in the permanent occupation of Texas. As the landing was unexpected the enemy had no force there sufficient to attempt resistance, and soon the troops on both steamers were ashore.

The 37th Illinois was joined by the rest of the missing boats on the morning of November 3. Ketzle wrote: November 4, our Regiment crossed the breakers and shortly afterwards in great joy, landed on the sandy beach but suffered for lack of water. Clark commented similarly when he wrote: "We remained on Brazos de Santiago three days on half rations of hard bread and only one quart of water to each man per day. One evening there was a rain when we filled our canteens with water caught on our rubber blankets." Logistics for all units seemed to have been problematic as they moved toward Brownsville.

On this same date the 20th Iowa and 20th Wisconsin had failed in the attempt to land, having drowned 3 or 4 men in the breakers and lost a number of arms, accouterments, knapsacks, etc.

Accompanying the fleet to South Texas was the sloop of war, USS Monongahela. With a barkentine rig, this auxiliary screw sloop capable of 12 knots speed was commissioned in early 1863. This 225' vessel was armed with one 200 pounder, two 24 pounders, four 12 pounders and two 11 footers. In the spring of 1864, she resumed blockade duty off Mobile.

A word here about the First Texas Cavalry, USA from the Handbook of Texas Online: During the Civil War, Texas contributed two regiments and two battalions of cavalry to the Federal army. A total of 1,915 men from Texas served the Union; of these 141 died, 12 in action. One source states that "the strength of the Texas Federal Regiments consisted primarily of Mexicans, Germans, and Irishmen." It was organized at New Orleans on November 6, 1862 and was assigned the defense of that city. After other action in Louisiana it embarked October 23 as part of the Rio Grande expedition, landing on the South Texas coast on November 2 and occupying Brownsville four days later. Within a month the First Texas Cavalry, which reached Texas with a strength of 16 officers and 205 enlisted men, grew by slightly over 50 percent. During this time the Second Texas Cavalry Regiment was formed at Brownsville. Both regiments left Texas in July 1864 for duty in Louisiana.

Associated with the First Texas Cavalry is the story of Edmund J. Davis. He first got involved in military affairs in 1859, when as a district judge of the Twelfth Judicial District at Brownsville, he accompanied the ranger unit of Capt. William G. Tobin during the Cortina wars in Brownsville. As the Civil War approached he supported Sam Houston and opposed secession. After secession he refused to take an oath of loyalty to the Confederacy and was removed from his judgeship. President Lincoln commissioned Davis a colonel in the Union army. Davis then recruited and led the First Texas Cavalry, USA and saw action in Galveston, Matamoros, and the Rio Grande Valley. The latter included his unit marching "to Rio Grande City in order to seize cotton and slaves in an effort to disrupt the border trade."

Davis, a transplanted Floridian, was involved in a defining moment of American history. After the special convention had met and instigated a referendum on secession and which passed 46,129 to 14, 697, individual citizens and federal military men had to decide to swear allegiance to the Confederacy or not. Robert E. Lee, a lieutenant colonel of the 2d Cavalry stationed in Texas was one of those. Davis met with Lee in a small hotel off Main Plaza in San Antonio. As T. R. Fehrenbach relates in his seminal book, Lone Star A History of Texas and Texans : [Davis told]

Lee that he was the ablest man in federal service, and begged him to stand by the Union, on both legal and emotional grounds. Davis was a Southerner who believed secession was suicidal. Colonel Lee, "suberb, perfect, handsome, bronzed, and compact", as a Union-sympathizing observer wrote in his diary, showed visible anguish. He began to pace the room. Finally he told the judge that his arguments were "correct and unanswerable." Secession was suicidal and meant certain disaster for the Southern people. But Lee said quietly that his higher loyalty must be to his own people, and to the state his family had served so long. He would go with Virginia. Lee's deameanor and decision profoundly affected the Unionists in the room, who never forgot the scene.

Davis was involved in an international incident when, on March 15, 1863, Confederate citizens and off-duty soldiers seized Davis in Bagdad, Mexico where he was attempting to take his family out of Texas and recruit men for his unit. He and Union officer Capt. W. W. Montgomery had come to the mouth of the Rio Grande on the Federal Steamer Honduras. This event precipitated diplomatic trouble between the Confederacy and Mexico until Gen. Hamilton P. Bee released Davis to appease Mexican Governor Albino Lopez. Bee's men had however already hung Montgomery, a man of poor reputation who had previously tauted CSA forces. Why legalities were ignored is unknown for, as a prisoner of war, he should have had some rights, unless of course, he was treated either as a spy or a traitor.

Davis was promoted to brigadier general in November 1864 after which time he commanded the cavalry of Gen. Joseph J. Reynolds in the Division of Western Mississippi. On June 2, 1865 he was among those who represented the Union in the surrender of Confederate forces in Texas. In 1869 Davis would be elected governor of Texas in the reconstruction era. His administration favoring the Radical wing of the Republican Party was a very controversial one. Davis was near dictatorial in running the affairs of reconstruction Texas. He lost re-nomination by the Republican Party.

The nation learned of the expedition's landing through newspaper stories. One popular source at the time was Harper's Weekly with its fine illustrations. The 11/28/63 issue carried an article written by a (New York?) Herald reporter who was aboard an expedition vessel. He gave an eye-witness account of General Bank's arrival at Brazos Santiago on November 2. Full of patriotic spirit and stimulating prose, it was prefaced by the statement "The expedition is destined to restore Texas to the Union and put an end to the contraband trade which has been carried on at Matamoras." It read:

At an early hour this morning the bar was examined and casks laid down as buoys. Nine feet of water was found upon the bar and, once over, navigation was easy.

We accordingly commenced preparing to enter the harbor, and the light-draught steamer General Banks with the 19th Iowa on board got under way and was soon rising and falling amidst the foam of the huge breakers, but as she steamed gallantly on and crossed the bar in safety, the soldiers on board gave three cheers which were heard on the flag-ship and answered by the waving of hats and handkerchiefs.

She crossed the bar at precisely twelve o'clock noon. The General's dispatch boat-the little steamer Drew – followed, and she went capering along like a frisky young coquette of sixteen, bounding over the bar like a cork.

The Clinton with the 13th and 15th Maine regiments on board, was the third to cross, and it was her good fortune to be the first to disembark her troops, the soldiers of the 15th Maine first touching Texas soil. The next moment, the flag of this regiment, followed by that of the 19th Iowa was raised.

Thus the men from the extreme northern point of the Union were the first to raise the flag of America over the soil of the extreme southern point and finish the work so gloriously begun, of planting the banner of freedom in the last state in rebellion, over which the Stars and Stripes have not waved for some time.

On landing on Brazos Island, the 15th Maine, Col. Dwyer, accompanied by Major Von Hermann of General Bank's staff started for Boca Chica, took possession of the Pass, and encamped there throwing out pickets.

No resistance whatsoever was offered, and no human beings have yet been seen on the island or elsewhere, if I except the repulse of two companies of cavalry by the guns of the T. A. Scott , Captain O'Brien, which anchored off the mouth of Boca Chica this morning and opened upon the rebels who had attempted to cross.

The same transport the night previous and when off the mouth of the Rio Grande had amused itself by keeping up an almost constant fire upon the Mexican vessels crossing and re-crossing the river.

The old salt was a few miles wrong in his reckonings for he afterwards stated that he "thought he was peppering away at damned rebels in Boca Chica instead of harmless Mexicans on the Rio Grande." so that we shall have to make an apology for the slight mistake of firing upon their vessels while engaged in a contraband trade with the rebels on the Texas shore.

Those of you readers who have ever visited Ship Island can have a good idea of this barren, inhospitable shore. Brazos, as well as all islands along the Texas coast, is a sandy desert. One house, deserted, stands to the right, and a mile or so farther toward the interior are two lighthouses, one on each side. Charred ruins show that three dwellings were destroyed by fire some time ago. Nothing but the chimneys remain standing.

The foundations of the buildings used by General Taylor for stores can yet be seen, but no other vestige remains. Sand and sand-hills meet the eye in every direction; and for miles there is no covering from the rays of the burning sun by day, nor the heavy chilly dew by night.

Four wells were discovered by soldiers; but the water is brackish and unpalatable. Around these were collected from 30 to 40 head of poor cattle. They were suffering terribly from thirst, and drank with avidity the miserable water that our men gave out to them from the wells.

The few inhabitants who lived on this desert probably fled as our fleet anchored off the shore, for, as I have stated, not a human being was to be seen.

Lufkin had noted:

The Thirteenth landed on the east end of Brazos Island, near what was said to be the ruins of some salt works, marched about a mile, to where there were holes containing brackish water; and as we had no tents, went into bivouac. Next day quite a large detail from the regiment was at work unloading supplies from vessels; and as the regiment was all together in open ground for the first time since leaving Ship Island, nearly sixteen months before, Lt. Col. Hesseltine improved the opportunity by having a battalion drill. He soon ascertained that the regiment had not been perceptibly injured by its short stay in New Orleans. Every movement, from the simplest marching to the forming and reducing of a square, was performed with almost the accuracy of a machine.

Nov.4th, reveille sounded at 3 a.m., and at 5 the regiment started for the mouth of the Rio Grande. There was a dense fog which hid all landmarks; and, as there was no competent guide, the regiment marched for some time almost at random. As this was our first experience in real marching, a large part of the men had started with knapsacks too heavily loaded. The marching in the loose sand was very hard; so at every halt the ground was strewn with articles which had previously been considered indispensable, but which now suddenly became serious encumbrances. By-and-by the fog lifted, and toward noon we reached Boca Chica Pass, at the west end of the island.

As there was only one small boat available for the crossing of our nearly 600 men, Lt. Col. Hesseltine ordered the men to strip and wade, carrying their clothes; while the guns, equipment, etc. were carried across in the boat. The water was only about three feet deep, but the bottom was covered with oysters; so the sixty rods of the ford became a real "Via Dolorosa" to our naked feet, and but few were so fortunate to escape without more or less cuts from the sharp edges of the shells. Each wing of the regiment ate dinner while the other wing was crossing, and soon as possible the march was continued, the route being along the beach.

Ketzle recalled this place also. He remarked: (on the 5th we) "started for mainland by fording Boca Chico (sic), an inlet over one-half mile wide and over four feet deep—most of the boys had to make two trips to bring arms, clothing, and accouterments across, a trip long to be remembered." [Boca Chica is the narrow pass that separates the south tip of Brazos Island from the mainland. It allows Gulf of Mexico waters to enter the shallow marine estuary called the Bahia Grande.] He goes on to state: "After a short rest on mainland, form and march till about 9 p.m. We bivouac near Rio Grande on old battleground of Palo Alto.[This is the southeastern extension of the Palo Alto Plain and not the site of the actual Palo Alto battlesite of the Mexican War.] Remain for two days waiting for rations, resume march on the 8th of November and by the 9th reach Brownsville, pass thru town and go camp about one mile beyond."

Col. Charles Block, commanding the 37th Illinois Regiment, also later remarked on this Boca Chica crossing. "It was a most ludicrous sight. Men with kettles, pans, tin cups, guns, knapsacks, clothes, accoutrements, dotting the wide ford, some naked, others in drawers and shorts, others in full dress." He too noted the severe lacerations sustained from the submerged oyster bed. Later the army engineers were to bridge this outlet with two long india rubber bladders overlaid with cross timbers.

Following the fording at Boca Chica the 13th Maine moved up river as Lufkin records:

The marching on the beach was much easier than it had been in the dry sand of Brazos Island, but still by no means easy; and every man had had enough of it when we reached Clarksville, at the mouth of the Rio Grande, just before dark. As most of our canteens ahd been empty since noon, our first proceeding was to drink, almost intemperately, of the cool water of the river, the best water we had seen since leaving Maine nearly two years before—then after filling our canteens we marched back a short distance from the river and lay down for the night. There was a heavy shower in the night, but the weary soldiers were so sleepy, they were scarcely disturbed by it.

Clarksville, at that time consisted of three old wooden houses; but Bagdad, on the Mexican side, looked like quite a thriving place. We found at Clarksville the 20th Wisconsin, which had landed there the previous evening. Their landing, like ours at Brazos, had been unopposed by the enemy; but in landing through the surf some of their boats were capsized and a few men drowned. In the night the 94th Illinois marched past us on the way to Brownsville. That was also our intended destination, but instead of marching again the next morning, we remained in Clarksville nearly all day, the reason being that the three day's rations which had been issued about the time of our landing, were nearly exhausted. As no rations could be obtained at Brownsville, it was not prudent to start for that place with empty haversacks.

In the afternoon the Quartermaster went across to Bagdad and purchased a supply of bread, which was immediately issued; then we were ordered to leave our knapsacks to be brought up by steamer and make a forced march to Brownsville. About 6 p.m. the regiment started, and after marching nearly ten mile on a road made terribly muddy by the rain of the previous night, we were obliged to halt for the night, as it was too dark to follow the road. Next morning the march was resumed, and at 3 p.m. the regiment reached Brownsville, arriving only eight hours later than the 94th Illinois, which had started from Clarksville eighteen hours earlier than we did. For that night we quartered in an empty warehouse near the river.

Next morning Nov.7th we marched down river about a mile and occupied Fort Brown, which we found to be a dilapidated earthwork, apparently unimproved since the Mexican War. In the afternoon a detail of two hundred men was made from the regiment for provost duty in town, and the next day another large detail for pickets at Freeport Crossing, a few miles upstream. As there as no drill, and not a large amount of guard or fatigue duty, the few men left in the fort had much leisure time. Much time was spent bathing tin the clear, sweet water of the Rio Grande; and many of the younger men swam across the river for the sake of setting foot on Mexican soil. Nothing of particular importance occurred in Brownsville while the regiment remained there; but between the 5th and 6th of November there were three revolutions in Matamoras, just across the river in Mexico.

During one of these revolutions, when the office of the United States Consul in Matamoras was threatened, the troops in Brownsville were held in readiness to cross the river to protect it; but as it was not actually molested we were not called upon to invade Mexico. Gen. Banks was at Brownsville during most of our stay; and it possible that his being there, with an armed force, may have has some influence on the result of the third revolution in Matamoras in which the successful party was hostile to Maximilian's French army and friendly to the United States.

Lt. Col. Hudnutt with the 38th Iowans gave his impressions of the march to Brownsville. He wrote:

Our march thus far was over sand plains, destitute of water or vegetation save stinte (sic) shrubs and prickly pear (a species of Cactus) with here and there a cluster of Spanish bayonet (Yucca). The region is the same for leagues, dreary and desolate. Twenty miles from Point Isabel the Rio Grande is reached, along crooked muddy stream, fringed with chaparral or groves of musite (sic); and the soil produce a grass called musquite (sic) also said to be very nutritious. Large herds of cattle were met with, miles from the river and seem to be doing well upon the grass; no hay is cut or other provision for winter.

Gen. Bee had learned of the Union landing on the afternoon of 11/2/63 and immediately laid plans for evacuating the area. Of course, General Bee with only about 100 men could offer little resistance. He commenced his preparations for the evacuation. Only a dozen or so local citizens offered any help. With forty-five wagons he planned to transport supplies toward the Nueces River but not before his troops had destroyed portions of Fort Brown and as much cotton as they could.

The government building were burned as was some of the cotton stored in the garrison while many bales were thrown into the river. The fire from the cotton soon went out of control and would eventually destroy an entire block along the riverfront.

Bee and his force of 80 men of the 33rd Texas Cavalry marched off on November 5 to Santa Gertrudis, now Kingsville. The uncontrolled fires spread to housing and businesses and if this didn't suffice to panic the residents it was the explosion of four tons of powder stored at the fort that caused deep consternation in the citizenry. Imperialist-favoring Mexican General Jose Maria Cobos, who had taken refuge in Brownsville, organized some semblance of order. A few short days later he returned to Matamoros only to be executed by followers of the cunning Juan N. Cortina.

Very little has been documented about the Confederate retreat from Brownsville in 1863.

The following first hand account is unique in that regard and is detailed and comprehensive. As such it deserves reprinting in its entirety despite its length. The ending portion is especially poignant. The original is in the University of Texas Library. Its author is John Warren Hunter (1846-1915). A resident of Sulphur Bluff, Hopkins County, TX when the war broke out, he became a teamster to avoid conscription. He was 17 years of age when he observed the events he describes. After delivering a load of cotton to Brownsville, he crossed to Matamoros where he remained until the end of the war. He later became a teacher, writer, and a newspaper and magazine publisher.

The Fall of Brownsville on the Rio Grande

November 1863

Some two or three years ago, Captain J. B. Polley, who edits an historical page in the San Antonio Sunday Express, made the following statement which the reader will observe closes with a very timely request and most pertinent interrogation:--

"A gentleman by the name of R. H. Williams, an Englishman, now a justice of the peace in his native land, who claims to have served in Duff's cavalry regiment during the civil War, has published a book in which he relates some strange stories. One of these is in relation to an alleged scare at Brownsville which, although without foundation in fact, drove the Confederates and their valiant commanders not only to the destruction of all cotton and stores then on hand, but as well to precipitate an indiscriminate flight. The date given for the occurrence is in the fall of 1863.

"We should like to know something more definite and convincing about this retreat than can be gathered from the book of a foreigner. Will not some of the Trans-Mississippi veterans furnish the information? The history of the war as it relates to the Trans-Mississippi Department has never been published; and it seems a pity it should not be. There must be yet those living who can tell as interesting stories of the doings on the Rio Grande frontier, and we shall be glad to hear from them.

"In Governor Frank Lubbock's Six Decades in Texas, it is stated that in November 1863, an expedition under generals Banks and Dana landed at Brazos Santiago in bad plight, and that Banks immediately notified his government that the flag of the Union floated over Texas. It is further stated that no opposition was made to the landing of the Federals and that on this advance to Brownsville that post was evacuated, the troops stationed there falling back to the Confederate line of frontier defense, carrying with them an immense quantity of government store.

"Where was that line of frontier defense? And why was there an immense quantity of stores at Brownsville?"

The writer does not offer to assume the task of replying to Veteran Polley's appeal for information further than a plain statement of facts, nor would he attempt to refute any assertion made by that venerated statesman soldier, patriot, governor- F. R. Lubbock; on the contrary he will attempt to narrate events and incidents as he saw them, and state the facts in connection with the fall of Brownsville as they actually occurred.

However, before proceeding with this narrative, it may be well to mention the particular location of Brownsville and explain the importance of the place as a commercial point for Texas, and as an entrepot of arms and munitions of war for the Southern Confederacy.

As is generally known, Brownsville is situated on the north bank of the Rio Grande, twenty miles west of Point Isabelle (sic) and by meandering of the river about forty miles from Bagdad, the point where the Rio Grande debouches into the Mexican Gulf. [Bagdad was actually about three miles west of the river's mouth.] The City of Matamoros stands on the Mexican side of the river and its main plaza is just one mile from the courthouse in Brownsville. Before the beginning of the Civil War Brownsville was a struggling village of little consequence commercially or otherwise. A small garrison of U.S. regulars occupied the place, which since Taylor's victory at Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma and the bombardment of Fort Brown, 1846, had never achieved notoriety or public mention other than having been the seat of the so-called Cortina War, during the winter of 1859. The town could boast only a limited number of commercial establishments and four-fifths of the population were (sic) Mexicans. The government had erected at great expense a large number of commodious buildings including a hospital, barracks, commissary, officer's quarter, etc. When Texas withdrew from the Union and cast her lot with her sister states of the South, the U.S. troops were withdrawn from Brownsville, as elsewhere along the Texas frontier, leaving the government buildings intact and these were later occupied by the Confederate forces.

When the Federal blockade went into effect July, 1861, Brownsville was the only port left open to the Southern Confederacy. In a sense Brownsville was an inland town and while on the banks of a river chartered as being navigable, yet only vessels of shallow draft could reach the city. But the river was narrow. On the opposite bank stood Matamoros, a friendly city on neutral territory. And a short distance below Matamoros was the gulf shore with vessels carrying the flags of different nations lying in the offing waiting for cotton that found its only outlet through Brownsville into Matamoros and thence by wagon to Bagdad at the mouth of the river; the Federal Government being utterly powerless to interfere. Matamoros became a great commercial center. Cotton and other commodities for export poured into her warehouses, and, in trains, hauled to the coast and shipped to Northern and European ports. At the same time Brownsville became the greatest shipping point in the South. The handsome barracks were tenanted by Confederate soldiers. The elegant officers' quarters were occupied by Confederate officials and their families, between whom and the authorities on the Mexican side existed the most amicable relations, and in a brief period Brownsville became a city of importance second to none in the state.

For a period of three and half years, a never ending stream of cotton poured into Brownsville, thence into Matamoros, thence to the wharves of Bagdad. Ox trains, mule trains and trains of Mexican carts, all laden with cotton coming from almost every town in Texas, many from Arkansas and Louisiana wended their weary way to the commercial mecca of the Southwest. Speculation was vast and immense fortunes were accumulated by men in the cotton business.

One instance of many: In 1861 Col. M.T. Johnson of Tarrant County and the Rhine brothers, Jewish merchants of North Texas, formed a partnership and bought all the cotton in the North and East Texas market, paying 10 cents per pound, Confederate money which at that time was current at par. They next bought three hundred wagons, each capable of carrying ten or twelve bales of cotton. Eighteen hundred yoke of oxen—six yoke for each three hundred wagons—were purchased with yokes, bows, chains, etc. to draw these three hundred wagons with their freight and over 3000 bales of cotton. They subdivided these into trains of twenty-five wagons with an experienced wagon master in charge of each train. Time, distance and expense were factors seemingly without reckoning. A train loaded at Pittsburgh in East Texas Sept. 1, 1862 reached Brownsville July 22, 1863.

For these trains there was no dearth of teamsters before reaching Brownsville. That point once reached, many would escape into Mexico and the return trips were always short on drivers. The outbound trains had no difficulty in securing teamsters. The Conscript law was in force and thousands preferred driving an ox team to service in the army. School teachers, college professors, society dudes became ox drivers. They would enlist with Johnson and Rhine who would have them detailed to drive their teams. This firm continued to haul cotton to the Rio Grande until the close of the war, bringing government supplies on each return trip and it was current report that theirs was a species of graft in which they were aided and abetted by those in high authority at Richmond. The vast sums of Confederate money expended and the matter of detailing men to drive their teams at thirty dollars a month, "New Issue", gave color to this conclusion.

All roads from every cotton section of the state inn the direction of Brownsville converged at King's Ranch, one hundred and twenty-five miles from Brownsville; and during the spring, summer, fall seasons, this long stretch of 125 miles became a broad thorofare along which continuously moved vast unending trains of wagons; the one outward bound with cotton, the other homeward bound with merchandise and army supplies. The government exacted a tithe on every bale and the officers in Brownsville were never slow to collect the government toll, as thousands could testify. In 1863 cotton sold for 80 cents per pound in Matamoros and steadily advanced up to the close of the war. Buyers were numerous. They were there from the great manufacturing centers of Europe, and New York, Boston, Lowell, Philadelphia and other northern cities were not without representation. These latter came boldly across into Brownsville, plunked down the Yankee gold, received cotton and no questions were asked.

During these days of frenzied commercialism, communication with the outside world was limited. There was no telegraph service in either city. A daily stage line plied between Brownsville and Austin via San Antonio. Passenger fare on this line was 10 cents a mile (gold) and only twenty-five pounds baggage was allowed each passenger. But not withstanding the exorbitant charges, the coaches were always crowded to the limit and the owners of the line made a fortune in three years. New York and London papers, received by way of Bagdad and Tampico were called "late papers" although two to four weeks had elapsed since date of issue.

The route from Matamoros to Bagdad lay over a hard smooth road, and like that between King's Ranch and Brownsville was one vast and almost unbroken line of wagons and carts carrying cotton to the gulf shore and returning with merchandise and stores for the Confederacy. Under the neutrality laws war material was considered contraband but the Mexican Customs officials were human--very human—and were not always immune against the lure of confederate gold. Huge cases of Enfield guns labeled "Hollow ware", keys and barrels branded "bean flour" a new name for gun powder and percussion caps bearing the legend "canned goods" with cargoes of lead as "Bat Metal", readily passed inspection and were allowed to cross into Brownsville. Illustration of the volume extent and importance of this Brownsville-Matamoros trade is stated on the best authority that while his army at Little Rock, Arkansas, General Marmaluke received a shipment of 4000 Enfield rifles which had been purchased in England, shipped to Brownsville via Bagdad and Matamoros and thence to Little Rock, a distance of more than a thousand miles.

The number of bales of cotton that lay in the cotton yard in the bend of the river in the upper suburb of Brownsville November 1, 1863, was estimated at 10,000. As to the correctness of this estimate the writer cannot vouch. He knows however—that a large area of ground was covered with this staple, orderly stacked, four to six bales in height with alleys or gang ways at regular intervals. Most of this cotton bore the brand C.S.A. although a large percent belonged to individuals and had their respective brands. T all hours of day and night an armed guard kept watch over this cotton, while just below Freeport, a suburb of Matamoros, the cotton bales kept lonely vigil and morning sun often reveled rents and gaps in the well ordered ranks of cotton bales, but he Sergeant of the guard was taciturn and the river flowed on in silence toward the gulf.

First Note of Alarm.

The writer does not remember the number of soldiers stationed in Brownsville November 1st, 1863. General Bee was in command and probably had a regiment or more of troops. During these months and years, no preparations for the defense of the city had been made. Old Fort Brown had long since been allowed to fall into decay. The Confederate authorities doubtless considered fortifications unnecessary. Point Isabelle (sic) and Brazos Island offered no facilities for landing an army of invasion. No vessel of heavy tonnage could cross the bar at either of these points nor could the smallest gunboat ascent the Rio Grande. Hence, why the fortification? Of the men composing the garrison, few had ever heard the crash of Federal guns. Their duties while stationed at Brownsville consisted in the usual routine of garrison life, standing guard, eating, drinking, gambling, answering roll call, drawing their monthly stipend (species) and chasing men who were trying to get into Mexico to keep out of the army.

At an early hour on the morning of November 3, 1863, a runner brought the startling news that a Federal fleet had appeared off Brazos Santiago 15 miles distant from Brownsville and that 50,000 men were being landed, infantry, cavalry and artillery and that a cavalry force of 4000 troops was approaching the defenseless city. General bee was the first to receive the intelligence from the lips of a trusted scout and there could be no doubt as to the correctness of the report. Orders were hastily issued and the more observant citizens who chanced to be abroad at that early morning hour detected unmistakable signs of confusion and unusual activity in military circles. Couriers dshed wildly along the streets. The bugles rang out and drums beat the long roll. "The Yankees are coming", said one. "Cortina has broke lose again", said another. (General Cortina was then in command of Matamoros.) By this time the affrighted populace began to pour into the streets. Inquiry was on every lip but other than flying rumor, no explanation of the real cause of confusion could be obtained. Wagon trains and ambulances heavily laden were next seen leaving the barracks and commissary buildings under which a body of soldiers marched past armed and equipped. "They are going out to meet the enemy and there is going to be a battle", rang along the sidewalks. An officer passing was asked the meaning of this unusual stir. "I don't know. Ask General Bee", was his curt reply.

Presently a company of artillery men were seen rolling their guns off the high bank into the river. This procedure revealed the true situation. He city was to be abandoned to the hated Yankees without an effort towards defense. The people had expected the brave General Bee and his gallant soldiers to make some show of resistance, and if over-powered to secure at best favorable terms for the non-combatant citizens. But when tey saw those guns go over the embankment into the river, their hopes went with them. The last gun to go was a fine 64 pounder. Judge Bigelow approached the young artillery officer in command and said: "Lieutenant, what does this all mean?" "I am obeying orders, Sir; ask General Bee", was his reply. About this time dense black smoke began to ascend from the bend of the river just above the town. The cotton yard was on fire! A detail of men with flaming torches had hastened through the narrow alleys between the ranks of cotton bales and right and left had scattered the blazing faggots and in a few brief moments the greatest cotton depot in all the Southland was wrapped in a swirling holocaust of flame.

Rumor was swift to announce that this was the work pf a large body of Federal cavalry which had passed around to a point above the city and had directed their first attack upon the cotton yard. No one suspected, no one believed that the Confederate authorities would burn the stores of cotton in that yard.

The announcement that the cotton yard was burning, and the dense pall of smoke that began to spread over the city threw the people into a state of utmost dismay and excitement. Men, women, and children crowded into the streets begging and pleading to know the worst. Public attention had been directed and fixed upon the burning cotton yard and few noticed the new peril that was springing up almost in their very midst. The elegant quarters erected by the government long years ago for her officers and soldiers were situated in the lower edge of the city and the parade ground or reservation fronted on the river just against and below, the main ferry. These building were wooden structures and while the public mind was engrossed and appalled over the burning of the cotton yard and the hasty flight of the garrison, the cry rang out: "The barracks are on fire--the government buildings are burning." This proved to be true. The costly buildings, soldiers' quarters, officers' residences, hospital, magazine, commissary buildings had all been set on fire by departing troops and were now flame wrapt, and the panic stricken citizens realized that their city was doomed.

As on all like occasions, the wildest rumors flew with increasing exaggeration from group to congested throng. "Ten thousand drunken Negro troops are moving on the city. They are led by E. J. Davis; the city is to be pillaged and burned and the inhabitants put

to the sword for the hanging of Colonel Montgomery", was the burden of the most imaginative alarmists. And the statement gained credence as it spread with electrical speed and effect over the city.

The rear guard-- if such it may be called—left the city, followed by the fierce imprecations of a maddened, betrayed people whose only safety now lay in sudden and precipitate flight to Matamoros. But the sullen river lay between then and the haven of refuge.

Terrible Scenes at the Ferry

There was but one ferry opposite the city, the Freeport crossing being a mile above and now cut off by the burning cotton yard. On the American side of this ferry opposite to the city, the approach to the ferry landing at the water's edge was through a deep cut in the high bank extending from the river's margin to the level of the street. This cut was thirty or thirty-five feet in width. A small flat boat propelled by oars was usually in service at this ferry but on this occasion a small steamboat was brought into requisition.

By one common impulse this ferry became the objective point of the fleeing terror stricken citizens. Those wishing to save their most valuable household effects from the impending destruction, found the utmost difficulty in securing means by which to get their chattel to the ferry. Everything in the shape of a vehicle commanded, or rather exacted, the most exorbitant prices, even to the extent that many gathered a few of their most valued belongings, abandoned their homes and fled to the ferry where the congestion soon became so great that men and women fought for priority in loading their chattel on the boats. Mexican owners of skiffs charge $5 gold for each passenger that passed over in their frail craft; those availing themselves of this mode of transit being mostly women and children whose fathers and husbands remained to superintend the shipping of their household belongings—a vast stream of which poured into the cut at the ferry until it was filled from the water's edge to the street and even to the curb on the opposite side; a vast accumulation of clothing, bedding, trunks, musical instruments and furniture of every description from the cultured homes of the wealthy, and the cottages of the poor.

When the last squadron of soldiers passed beyond the suburbs of the town all order was at an end. The canaille of Brownsville and the Rateros from Matamoros emerged from the dankish precincts of their concealment, and the work of the robber and incendiary began. The first to be plundered was the burning commissary buildings which contained immense an quantity of government stores. Despite the approaching flames these stores were carried away in large quantities by the howling mob, among whom were many American citizens and a number of deserters from the ranks of the fleeing Confederates. While these government buildings were burning, such was the state of excitement and intense desire to get across the river that few took thought of the magazine, the roof of which was now ablaze. But suddenly there came a crash—a deafening detonation—a concussion as if heaven and earth had come into collision. The magazine had blown up, men and women on the side walks, in the street, and those keeping vigil over their effects at the ferry were shocked, stunned, and many thrown to the ground. A scantling nine feet long was hurled across the river and driven with great force through the gable of the Mexican Custom house. A boy standing on the river bank just below the ferry was blown to mid-channel of the stream and drowned.

The force of the explosion filled the air with fiery missiles—burning shingles, lumber, etc. and these showered down over the city. The vast accumulation of household goods in the cut at the ferry took fire and the place soon became a roaring furnace. The buildings, mostly of brick just back of the ferry and fronting on the river took fire and the holocaust threatened to become general all over the city. Women and little children screamed with terror and despair when they saw the flames consuming their possessions in the cut, but here was no remedy, no rescue, and the encroaching heat drove them from the scene and within a few hours that cut was a smoking Gehenna, filled with twisted iron, the remains of pianos, stoves, sewing machines, and other incombustible matter.

A Reign of Terror

Finding that all authority had vanished and order at an end, the criminal element sallied forth and the spirit of pandemonium became rampant. Every pelado that nurse a grievance real or imaginary against the hated gringo or against a paisano came out in the open and helped swell the ranks of the howling rabble among whom, be it said with shame, were a number of our own countrymen drawn into the vortex of the prospect of spoils. Bodies of mounted Mexicans, yelling demons, swept along the streets, shooting into houses, stores, and the panic stricken throng along the sidewalks. Saloon doors were forced and entered by these mounted bandits who rode p along side the bars, took what so ever they fancied, shot up the wares and bar fixtures, and retired to make room for others. For an American citizen to show himself in certain quarters of the city meant assassination at the hands of these desperate thieves and rateros. Men were shot down in their homes, in their yards, and on the streets. The city was at the mercy of thieves, outlaws and murderers and the grito "Mueran a los gringos!" rang out above the unearthly din. Stores were looted, residences plundered and it all will never be known the amount of property carried away or destroyed or the number of lives sacrificed on that fatal day.

The inference must not be drawn that the Americans were the only sufferers on that occasion. The mob had no respect for nationalities and the better element of Mexican citizens alike with their American friends and neighbors and with whom they stood shoulder to shoulder in the attempt to suppress rioting, and in the restoration of order.

Judge Bigelow, an old veteran who had served under General Scott in Mexico and who was yet suffering from an ulcerous wound inflicted by a copper shot at Contreras, aided by a few bold courageous men, rallied the citizens for defense and an effort to suppress the prevailing disorder.

A message was sent to General Cortina calling for help. "This is your fight; not mine", said the bandit general, but he sent two companies of men to see that no one crossed from the Mexican side to the American side of the river.

The mob defied Judge Bigelow and his party. A French officer serving under Marshall Bazaine then at the head of the French army of invasion in Mexico, and who chanced to be in Brownsville when Bee retreated was overheard to say to Judge Bigelow, "Your force is sufficient; a mob never fights." The bandits, satiated with blood and laden with plunder, were driven out of town, order was partially restored, and Brownsville lay in ruins.

Federals Occupy Brownsville

On the 2nd of November, 1863, the Federal fleet carrying Bank's army of 5,000 men arrived at Brazos Santiago where, owing to natural barriers, the transports were forced to anchor a mile or more from the beach. Two regiments of cavalry were sent ashore as an advance guard, horses and men being forced to swim or wade to the mainland. The infantry came next, wading to their armpits. Governor Jack Hamilton who accompanied the expedition as "Military Governor of Texas" informed the writer that when Banks' men got ashore at Brazos Santiago there was not a dry cartridge in the entire division and that General bee with one hundred men could have captured the whole army without firing a gun. General Franklin's defeat at Sabine Pass by a mere handful of Confederates on the 9th of Sept. preceding, would have been eclipsed by the complete destruction of Banks' army, if Bee had displayed any qualities of generalship.

Finding it impossible to get the artillery ashore at this point, the transports were moved around to Point Isabelle (sic) where the guns were landed and rejoined the army several

Days after it had reached Brownsville.

On the morning of the 3rd, the great pall of smoke that hung over the city gave Banks to understand that there was unusual commotion in Brownsville and in the afternoon his scouts reported the Confederate forces in full, and hasty flight in the direction of King's Ranch, leaving a path of smoke and flame in their wake. Bur Banks was in no condition to give pursuit and on the 5th his division entered Brownsville and went into quarters for the winter.

Wanton Destruction of Cotton

As related elsewhere, the road from King's Ranch to Brownsville was lined with cotton trains, slowly, wearily, bearing their fleecy cargo to market. By order of the Confederate commander, every bale within reach of the retreating army along this 125 mile stretch was rolled off, the baling ties cut, and the match applied. Word of the approach of these cotton burners outran the fleeing army and was passed along, even as far as King's Ranch, and many trains escaped by leaving the main road and seeking concealment in the mazes of the dense chapparal that lay to the westward, where they remained unmolested until the gallant army had reached the "line of frontier defense" wherever that may have been, after which some of the trains resumed their course and went into Brownsville, while others crossed into Mexico above the limits of the Federal patrol.

A Pathetic Incident

Illustrative of the terrible suffering entailed by this unwarranted destruction of cotton, the writer will relate one instance of several that came under his immediate observation during that deplorable period.

A few weeks prior to the fall of Brownsville, he had occasion to spend the night at King's Ranch and camped with a train of twenty-five wagons freighted with cotton and en route to Brownsville. It proved to be a "neighborhood" train, jointly made up and owned by citizens, or more properly speaking, women and children living in one of the counties of Arkansas bounded on the Red River. Old white haired men, young boys and a few old trusted Negro uncles drove the teams of this train. One of these old men pointed out one wagon carrying six bales of cotton and drawn by six old plow nags. With the help of her little half-clad children, a mother whose husband was with Lee in Virginia had raised one bale of cotton; another mother in like condition had raised two bales, another one bale, and yet another two bales—six in all. One had an old wagon, another owned a span of old plow horses and by hiring another span they were able to fit up a wagon and team and jointly then load their cotton for a market nearly a thousand miles away. The old man, ever handy with tools, patched the old wagon, a new spoke here, and a new felloe there and hewed from the forest timbers with which to fashion them. The old plow "gears" were overhauled with a link in the trace chains where needed and raw hide thongs for repairs of the breeching and buck boards. An aged father, too old to go into the army volunteered to drive the team, sell the cotton in Brownsville, then worth 80 to 90 cents in gold—purchase shoes for mother and little children, cotton cloth and "factory thread" for the women, and a few pounds of coffee for grandmother and grandsire and other various sundry articles of supply. The entire train, so the writer was informed, was made up this way and in most instances each bale represented a separate ownership, and on the whole this cotton was the product of the sweat and unremitting toil of tender women and little children.

These old men and boys represented the rarest spectacle the writer has ever beheld among his own countrymen. The men were unshaven, unshorn and there was not a whole garment of apparel in the whole company. The scant garments they wore hung about them in rags, strings, strips, and streamers, and when they moved about each bore the appearance of a bundle of old rags and tatters in motion.

But these old men and boys were cheerful and happy. They had been on the road several months; no evil had befallen them, grass was good, their teams were in fair condition, and they were within 125 miles of Brownsville, the promised land of so many fond hopes, where past toils and hardships would be forgotten, their rags replaced by respectable raiment, and supplies purchased for the dependent loved ones at home.

The day after the fall of Brownsville the writer with others had occasion to go out some distance along the road leading to King's Ranch and over which the retreating column of Confederates had passed the day before. The air was yet laden with the odor of burning cotton and the pall pf smoke that hung over the landscape. The dismantled wagons and the half-consumed yet burning bales, the forlorn and woeful look of the teamsters, all these gave mute evidence of the fearful ravages under the thin guise of expediency. But the saddest spectacle was yet in store. On Jackass Prairie [an area about 5 miles north of the Brownsville ferry crossing] and in full view of the church spires of the two cities, they came upon the camp of those people from Arkansas with whom the writer had camped but a few weeks before at King's Ranch. General Bee's forces had met them at this point, and with ears closed to all pleading in behalf of the Southern mothers who had planted, cultivated and gathered this cotton with their own fair tender hands while their men folk were off fighting with Lee and Jackson—despite all this—their cotton was rolled off, the tie cut the torch applied, and the troops pushed forward to the next train. The writer found these old men sitting around as if in a stupor, while the boys wandered aimlessly about, silent, morose, and as if trying to comprehend the enormity of the calamity that had engulfed them in general ruin. With tears coursing down his venerable face one of these old fathers said, "The loss falls so heavily on so many, They had toiled so hard and so long and they are so poor and needy. And to think we were so near our journey's end. I don't know how we can ever get back home. To go back empty will be awful, and besides, as you can see, we have nothing to wear and winter is near and in all our company there is not so much as two dollars. I don't know why General Bee would want to burn our cotton."

Laredo, the Confederate Gateway

The occupation of Brownsville during the winter of 1863, failed of the main objective of the Federal Government, that was to cut off the cotton shipments into Mexico. True the arrival of Banks' army checked the movement for a brief season, but when the spring of 11864 opened, the roads leading to Laredo were thronged with cotton trains and the little village high up on the Rio Grande suddenly sprang into prominence as the greatest cotton shipping point in the South. The Federals sent an expedition from Brownsville against this point, but Benavides with his regiment of cavalry, nearly all Mexicans, drove the enemy back, and the cotton trade continued in its increasing volume until the evacuation of Brownsville in 1864.

(Hunter goes on to comment that the destruction of the cotton was not wholly General Bee's fault as he received orders from higher up on what to do. [Purportedly Bee received orders from his superior General "Prince John" Bankhead MaGruder.] He also states that Bee received no graft from the cotton trade and died a poor but honest man. Hunt adds that he found William's book, Border Ruffians, authentic except for mistakes with a few minor names.)

At 10:00 a.m. on November 6, 1863, the 94th Illinois Regiment under Col. William M. Dye entered Brownsville, facing light resistance. At 3:00 p.m., with assistance from the 1st Missouri Light Artillery and the 13th Maine Regiment, the town was secured. Brownsville would be used as a base for expeditions up the Rio Grande in order to cut off a route for goods that entered the Confederacy from Mexico. The Second Brigade, excepting the Twentieth Iowa, reached Brownsville the same date. Clark was to relate "the rebels evacuated upon our approach after burning their barracks and all the cotton remaining on the Texas side of the Rio Grande. We could see thousands of bales which they had hastily moved across to the Mexican shore." Some one estimated that there were 10,000 bales now on the Mexico side of the river and only 500 on the US side. The firing of the barracks had spread to adjacent properties destroying them as well. There was no military opposition in Brownsville for the rebel force had retreated to the north and interior at the approach of the Union troops. The First Brigade, excepting the Fifteenth Maine which remained on Brazos, marched on the same day toward Brownsville while the Twentieth Iowa occupied Point Isabel.

Wildman reports in his 38th Regiment history that:

The Rebels under the command of General Bee gave themselves up to plunder and violence once the order to evacuate was given. His actions excited the residents to a considerable degree of resistance. A former Mexican general, Jose Maria Cobos, was given permission by the Brownsville authorities to organize the residents to resist the rebel depredations and put out the fires. When the first Union soldiers entered the town, Cobos took his men across the Rio Grande and occupied the town of Matamoras, holding it as a bargaining chip for his own benefit.

The Adjutant General's report of the 91st Illinois Infantry indicates that this unit started for Brownsville on the 6th of November, "skirmishing all the way with the enemy, under command of the rebel General (Hamilton Prioleau) Bee, and landed at Fort Brown, Texas, on the 9th day of November, 1863, and went into winter quarters where we remained until December 31, 1863…" This account appears fairly imaginative regarding enemy contact.

E. B. Quiner provides some history of the 20th Wisconsin and one of its adventures in the Valley. He recounts that the regiment was assigned to the XIII Army Corps and left Carrollton for Texas on the steamer Thomas A. Scott which also carried the 20th Iowa. On November 1 an unsuccessful attempt was made by Col. Bertram to land at the mouth of the river. Starting in small boats with 100 men, he got into the surf, losing two men of the 20th Iowa and two sailors drowned. It subsequently joined the rest of the fleet at Brazos Santiago and using a light long-draught boat was able to clear the bar safely at dark. By the 9th it was camped at Brownsville. After Rebel General Bee fled with his [supposedly] 300 men, the citizens welcomed the Union troops cordially. The prevention of the smuggling of English goods, including cloth and horseshoes, into the Confederacy was one mission of the troops. The English merchants at Matamoras had been doing an immense business.

He then relates this incident:

Matters were so unsettled and unsafe at Metamoras (sic) that the American Consul, Mr. (Leonard, Jr.) Pierce asked protection of General Herron, the two belligerent parties on that side of the river being engaged in constant warfare to the imminent danger of peaceable citizens and non-combatants. General Herron accordingly ordered Colonel Bertram with the Twentieth Wisconsin, Ninety-fourth Illinois, and Battery B, with forty rounds of ammunition and one day's rations, to move to the other side of the river into Mexico, with orders to protect the American Consul, not to fire upon either party unless fired upon-and then to defend themselves. The property in the custody of the Consul was removed to the other side of the river, and Colonel Bertram returned to Fort Brown on the 14th. Great credit was conceded to Colonel Bertram for the admirable manner in which he managed this affair. The regiment remained at Brownsville, Col. Bertram being in command of the fort until it was evacuated by the Union forces, July 28th, 1864. They embarked on the 1st of August, and landed at Carrolton, above New Orleans, on the 5th, and went into camp.

Another account is more colorful. It prefaced itself by remarking "Colonel Cortina, a Mexican officer with a small army had become engaged in a civil broil with the authorities of Matamoras and in the night attacked the town." The somewhat fanciful account goes on to read:

In a short time an exciting battle was raging in the streets in the heart of the city. The federals advanced with the stars and stripes flying, and the bands playing "Yankee Doodle" and "Rally Round the Flag, Boys." The Twentieth was detailed to guard the residence of the Consul during the fight. Each of the belligerents sought the aid of the Yankees against the other. The women thanked God at their approach. Colonel Bertram, however, in accordance with his instructions, took no part in the fray. For the skillful manner in which he performed his delicate task, he was afterwards complimented in all order by Major General Herron. General Banks, also, says that the duty could not have been entrusted to better hands to execute. The Consul and three army wagonloads of gold and silver were escorted across to Brownsville for safety. All returned to the American side on the 14th, and the Twentieth returned to Fort Brown.

Frank Pierce in his book quotes the communication American Consul Leonard Pierce, Jr. had addressed to Herron on 1/12/64. It reads:

A battle is now raging in the streets of this City between the forces of Governor Manuel Ruiz and Col. Juan N. Cortina. My person and family are in great danger as the road between here and the ferry is said to be infested with robbers. I have also about $1,000,000 in specie and a large amount of other valuable property under my charge in the consulate, and from the well-known character of Cortina and his followers, I fear the city will be plundered. I therefore earnestly request that you send a sufficient force to protect myself and property and to transport the money within the limits of the United States at the earliest possible moment.

Gov. Ruiz was shortly thereafter to confirm the state of affairs to Herron who then dispatched Col. Black of the 37th Illinois Infantry to make a firsthand inspection of the situation. Upon confirmation Herron sent 40 men of the 20th Wisconsin to take charge of the ferry and four companies of the same regiment to the Consulate.

The American Consulate flying the U.S. flag was located on the principle square's south side and near the Cathedral. It was on the upper story of Francisco Yturria's large mercantile building. This gentleman had learned to amass his fortune under the tutelage of Charles Stillman, Brownsville founder, steamboat baron, and cotton speculator. The consulate's offices were in the front and living quarters to the rear. The astute Yturria had made the second story available to the Americans at no cost. In this manner he hoped to protect his belongings from marauders of any persuasion. Indeed some of valuables transported north may have belonged to Yturria.

Iowa records show that after resting a few days in Brownsville some of the 34th marched with Forest's Battery F, First Missouri Light Artillery to Point Isabella where they arrived on November 14. The account says, "Our first duty after arriving at this place was to boil every coat and shirt, each pair of pants, socks drawers, and blankets. I need not explain why." [Lice were an ongoing headache for soldiers everywhere throughout the war] The Thirteenth Maine that commenced a march from Brownsville to Point Isabel on the 13th while the Fifteenth Maine had crossed over from Brazos Island. These soldiers then constituted part of an expeditionary force under the command of Brig.-Gen. Ransom, a brave, dashing, and intelligent general who wounded many times during the war, died in Tennessee, just at its close. Ships would carry them north to see action on Mustang Island.

The 13th Maine's movement to Point Isabel was again a hardship one. Lufkin tells us:

Nov. 12, we at last received our knapsacks, which had been left at the mouth of the river, and also received orders to march the next morning for Point Isabel. The men on detail having returned, the regiment left Brownsville about 8 a.m., Nov. 13th. The noon-day halt was made at Resaca de la Palma, and in the afternoon we crossed the plain of Palo Alto, both famous battle-fields of the Mexican War. At Resaca de la Palma there was a small spring, but where we stopped for the night there was no water, and we were obliged, as the plainsmen say, to make a dry camp. In the morning there was issued a small supply of water, which was hauled from Brownsville; and then the regiment started to cross a desert, where for more than twenty miles, there was no water, and no vegetation but scattered bunches of prickly pear.

The scanty ration of water was soon gone, and for the rest of the day the men suffered the torture of thirst; this being aggravated to the highest degree by the desert mirage, which for several hours was very brilliant. Beautiful lakes, surrounded by groves of trees, could be seen on all sides, some of them apparently but a short distance away; and it required all the authority of the officers to keep some of the men from leaving the ranks to fill their canteens. When our march led us toward one of these lakes, it would fade away and another would be seen further on, and soon all realized how great was the delusion.

Just before dark, weary, thirsty, and foot-sore, the regiment reached Point Isabel, where we found an expedition organizing in which we were to take part. We remained in Bivouac, not far from the Point Isabel Lighthouse, till about noon the next day, November 15th, when the regiment embarked on the steamers Matamoras and Planter, six companies on the former and four on the latter. The Matamoras was a light-draft, stern-wheeler, built at Pittsburgh, Pa. For use on the Rio Grande, and had been loaned Gen. Banks by the Mexican General Cortinas; the Planter was an Alabama River steamer, which had been captured by the blockading fleet while trying to run across from Mobile to Cuba with a load of cotton.

Hodnutt's Iowans didn't reach the town until the 9th. Prior to that he gives a description:

By the river we camped for the night and after breakfast resumed our march 11 miles through the chaparral to Brownsville. The first object that met our gaze was a Spanish dog without a hair on its hide; the next a leather colored Mexican child, perfectly nude, and here the dust mercifully blinded us, till we reached the center of town, else there's no knowing what we may have seen. Col. McNulta of the 94th Illinois has preceded us a day or so, and the streets were filled with blue coats and Mexican blankets in picturesque hues. Camp was selected about one mile up the river just opposite the famed or rather infamous town of Matamoras, Mexico.

A soldier in Bones (B) Company writes home: It is expected that our brigade will move up the Rio Grand, about one hundred miles as soon as the water rises, to Ringgold Barracks, and perhaps further. The 91st Ill., 38th Iowa and 1st Mo. Battery, compose the Brigade. The new recruits for the 38th have not yet arrived, but I have understood that they are on this side of the Gulf. If so they will soon be with us. He adds: Colonel J.O. Hudnutt is now in command of the brigade. Captain Rogers of Co. "F" commanding our regiment and "The camp is kept very clean and tidy, all the rubbish is buried, and nothing allowed to remain above ground that would cause a stench. Every precaution that can be, is taken to preserve the health of the regiment. I trust that in the future we shall have good health." Wildman is to note: During its stay at Brownsville, and for the remainder of its service, the percentage of loss from sickness was no greater than that of the other regiments with which it was associated. The men had become acclimated, and were inured to the hardships of army life. They had learned how to take care of themselves in camp and on the march, and were less susceptible to disease.

Any footnote to Texan participation in the war has to include the strange tale of Adrian J. Vidal. He was born in Monterrey, Mexico in 1840. After his father, Col. Luis Vidal, died his mother Petra (Vela) moved to Mier on the Rio Grande. Steamboat entrepreneur Mifflin Kenedy was smitten by her, and they were married in Brownsville in 1852.

Adrian entered a period of debauchery and at age 21 traveled to San Antonio where he enlisted as a private in the Confederate Army. It soon promoted him to lieutenant and because of his border knowledge sent him with a militia to guard the mouth of the Rio Grande. Shortly rising to the rank of captain he captured a Union gunboat but, impatient and fractious, he mutinied and took his command with him in early 1863. When soldiers were sent by General Bee to rein him in he killed two of them and commenced a period of banditry using Mexico as a sanctuary. By this time the Union had occupied the area, so he enlisted himself and his men as "Vidal's Independent Partisan Rangers". Frustrated once more he deserted the Union army and returned to Mexico to join Benito Juárez along with Juan Nepomuceno Cortina and his fight against Emperor Maximilian. Captured by Imperial troops at Camargo, Adrian was put before a firing squad and executed. Mifflin Kenedy arrived too late to negotiate a ransom, and took Adrian's body to Brownsville for burial.

Once Union forces had taken Brownsville, Andrew Jackson Hamilton was established there as Texas Military Governor. He had been a U.S. Congressman from Western Texas prior to the war. The Handbook of Texas Online tells us that after fleeing Texas:

Hamilton became a hero in the north and delivered speeches in New York, Boston, and other northern cites. His rhetorical targets included slavery, disunionists, and the "slave power", which he believed was trying to subvert democracy and the rights of non-slave owners. After he met with President Lincoln in November 1862, he accepted a commission as brigadier general of volunteers and an appointment as military governor of Texas.

From the summer of 1865 to the summer of 1866 Hamilton would be Provisional Governor of Texas during its initial Reconstruction.

Major General Banks was already settled in Brownsville by November 9. In a dispatch on that date to Maj. Gen. H. W. Halleck, General–in Chief, U. S. Army, Washington, D.C, Banks reported that:

"Affairs are quiet in Matamoras. Governor Ruiz [He was the Juarista (a supporter of Benito Juarez) military governor.] is in Brownsville, Cortina in power, and messengers have been dispatched for Governor Serna, who resides 200 miles distant. The friendship of the Cortinas party for the American Government has been signally manifested by his placing three Rio Grande steamers on this side of the river under our control. One of these, the Matamoras, is the only boat that can cross the bar.

General Dana arrived in Brownsville last evening. I shall remain here until our affairs are in a settled condition."

He then goes on to entreat for 5,000 to 10,000 men to be assigned him and who would be of "incalculable service in the restoration of Texas." He adds, "Our success, thus far, has exceeded my most sanguine expectations. The people on both sides of the river are friendly to the Government, and if affairs are managed with any discretion, the cause of the Government will be greatly strengthened throughout the whole Southwest.

The Fifteenth Maine Volunteers is at Brazos; the Twentieth Wisconsin at Point Isabel. Two regiments of the Corps d'Afrique, the First and Sixteenth, occupy Brazos Island. The balance of the force connected with the expedition is en route for this point."

At his point in time the cotton trade was suffering a considerable constriction. In an account titled "The Civil War Years in the Valley" compiled by John H. Hunter from material in the files of J.T. Canales and Harbert Davenport we learn of a subterfuge. According to the story set forth, Charles Stillman and his associates, who were major beneficiaries of the Brownsville/Matamoros cotton trade, advised Gen. Dana "that the only way the cotton trade could be broken up was to form an invasion entering on the middle Texas coast between Galveston and Corpus Christi." Dana was convinced of this approach and set about to convince his superior.

While awaiting a decision he continued his campaign locally. He wrote the following in December 1863 to the American Consul at Monterrey:

I desire to make the road from San Antonio to Eagle Pass and Laredo so perilous that neither Jew nor Gentile will wish to travel it. Please make this known confidentially only to good, true, and daring men, who will kill, burn, and destroy all that cannot be taken and secured.

On December 22, 1863 Col. Ford received confidential orders from Gen. MaGruder. In short they said that Ford was to create the impression that his troops were destined for Indianola but in actuality would head south. Whether this added to the subterfuge or not is unknown, but Dana was transferred to the Matagorda Bay area near Indianola in January 1864. Gen. Francis Herron left in charge of the border area then took a "conservative view of his mission". Conditions in the Valley for the winter of 1863-64 proved to be one of the coldest on record and a drought also continued in the region. Low waters in the river would impede any plans to easily move upstream to cut off the cotton traffic that had been displaced to the northwest.

The expeditionary force under Ransom met with success after departing the Lower Rio Grande Valley. Aransas Pass was captured November 17, 1863, Fort Esperanza on 11/27/63, then on the 29th the earthworks at Pass Cavallo guarding Matagorda Bay were secured. Lt.-Col. Frank S. Hesseltine of the 13th Maine was to be awarded the Medal of Honor for his leadership at Matagorda Bay, December 29-30, 1863.

Local military action was generally scant. One action recorded for the Rio Grande Expedition is that of November 20, 1863. General Dana sent a force of 100 mounted men, two howitzers, 100 infantry in wagons and one howitzer on the steamer Mustang to proceed no futher than Rio Grande City. "The First Texas Cavalry under E. J. Davis, the 37th Illinois, and Battery B marched on Ringgold Barracks, some 200 miles above the Rio Grande, where a force of rebels were said to be and of this date, 11/30, still absent."[Confederate Col. Santos Benavides and his small army were forced to flee across the river to Reynosa. The Second Texas Cavalry USA went on to destroy the salt works at El Sal de Rey.] The excursion was largely a waste of effort. In 1863 a drought had commenced and lowered the river waters to the point that the steamer could nor reach within 30 miles of Roma and took three weeks to return 180 men. The Fremont Rifles of the 37th Illinois Veteran Volunteer Infantry were in the LRGV from late 1863 and saw duty guarding the river until February 1864. Between 11/23 and 12/3/63 the regiment participated in the expedition to Rio Grande City. In its first month in the Valley Union forces has manged to lay hands on a mere 800 bales of cotton.here.

Tom Lea in The King Ranch Vol.I relates the notorious actions of a small force of Union cavalrymen at Richard King's Santa Gertrudis Ranch just prior to Christmas Day 1863. King himself had been warned that a force was on its way. He was a marked man in that he was a key player in facilitating the movement of cotton to the border and had profited greatly from the trade.[Lea's book has a detailed chapter on the workings of the cotton trade in South Texas.] He reasoned that his family would be best served by his flight. He placed Francisco Alvarado, one of the first Kineños, in charge of protecting his wife, children, and father-in-law. Union Captain James Speed was on the way with a troop of about sixty armed horsemen, about half of whom were Mexican recruits. They were part of Davis' First Texas Cavalry. Immediately upon arrival they killed Alvarado who came out of the house shouting "Don't fire on this house! There is family here__" They then searched the house for King and not finding him resorted to plunder and destruction, even going so far as to ride horses into the ground floor.

One action of note involved the 91st Illinois Infantry. It departed Brownsville on 12/31/63 and then conducted its famous raid on Salt Lake, 90 miles out in the enemy country. The Illinois Adjutant General reported: "It captured a lake of salt two miles square, a few hundred horses, mules, and cattle, which were promptly confiscated for the good of the command. The lake we left behind, for the use of future generations.

January 9, 1864, arrived safely back on the Rio Grande, after a march of over 260 miles, without the loss of a man. Here the regiment remained doing frontier duty until the 28th day of July, when it left Brownsville, and on the 30th day of July, 1864 arrived at Brazos de Santiago, Tex., and was left to do duty as a garrison of the place until the 11th day of September, 1864, when the regiment had quite a fight with the rebels near Bagdad, on the north side of Rio Grande River, and it was said at the time a squadron of French troops forded the Rio Grande to help the rebels, but all to no use, for they were driven back on the southeastern portion of the Palo Alto Plain. Rebel loss, 20 killed and left on the field. Our loss, two wounded." The 91st was to remain in the Valley until December 1864 after which time it was sent by steamer to New Orleans and was later to advance on Mobile, Alabama.

The importance of La Sal de Rey is outlined in the Handbook of Texas Online. It states, "In the Civil War a huge increase in the demand for salt caused the state government to take control of its mining and export. Governor Francis R. Lubbock appointed Antonio Salinas of Brownsville as controlling agent, and after allowing Jesus Cardenas, owner of the lake, to sell the salt already mined, the confederate government rushed salt to designated points by camel caravan, each camel carrying 600 pounds. Freight thefts, however, caused so many problems that the camel project was abandoned." Eileen Mattei writes that the price for salt rose to $8 a bushel and that "The wagons that smuggled southern cotton to the Mexican border port of Bagdad returned home with cargoes of salt and guns until the Yankees captured the salt lake in 1863."

Ketzle in his diary briefly reports that his Illinois Greyhounds had camped in the

neighborhood of Brownsville from November 9 until the 21st.

Then receive orders to march. Company A, F, and G taking the overland route with teams under Major Payne, while the rest of command embark on a river steamer (Mustang). The three companies named reached Ringgold Barracks on the 25th of November (ahead of those on the steamer) seizing over 80 bales pf cotton—flour and other stuff. Remained here for two days. Then return to boat which was aground on one of the numerous sandbars some 30 miles below the barracks. Reaching the boat they embarked for the return, but owing to low stage of water made slow progress but finally got to Brownsville December 12th, being 22 days on a 12 day supply of rations, but beef was plentiful along the river, also raw sugar. We remain in camp fro December 12 to the 31st, receiving on the 26th a Christmas present in the shape of two months pay.

In an Expedition report covering November 1863, it was noted, "The remainder of the troops are at Point Isabel and Brazos Island, engaged in fortifying and holding those posts. Health of the troops generally good. A large amount of cotton and valuable stores have been captured and turned over to proper departments, for which the various staff reports will account." In reality the quantities of cotton the Union would secure over time were scant compared to the totals being shipped through the area.

The winter of 1863-64 was one of record breaking cold. Coupled with the drought this brought a shortage of forage for the cavalry livestock. Bone rattling northers cutailed military movements. A strange phenomenon occurred in this period. Cattle in search of grass and escape from the cold moved unobstuctedly south in what has been termed "The Big Drift."

In 1876 an old-time Brownsville resident gave a "Centennial" address. This was William A. Neale, an Englishman who had come to Mexico in 1820 to serve in the navy of that country. Before Brownsville was even established Neale had crossed the river from Matamoros to the area north of that city. Years later he operated the stage coach line between Brownsville and Point Isabel. Soon after its start he constructed a hotel near what is now 14th Street between Adams and Washington. It was a rambling structure covering nearly a quarter block. "During the Federal occupation of Brownsville in the Civil War the soldiers started tearing down the building, taking lumber to Fort Brown to build barracks."

Neale, still an English citizen, in an appeal to the general in command demanded that the troops be stopped at once. Alas, only the tail end of the structure remained when removal operations ceased. That part was repaired and retained as the Neale home. Being of fine material and construction, the low frame house still exists today.[As development in Brownsville progressed the house was moved to the Fort Brown area across from the resaca.With the erection of a border fence in 2009, it is scheduled to be relocated a second time.]

In January 1864 Maj.-Gen. Francis J. Herron assumed command of the XIII Corps and occupied the Texas coast with headquarter in Brownsville. There were about 6,500 troops in South Texas. This Medal of Honor recipient had been a hero at Prairie Grove, Arkansas and Vicksburg. While here he provided aid to Mexican President Benito Juárez and prevented French troops of Emperor Ferdinand Maximilian of Austria from establishing themselves along the Rio Grande. Herron was scheduled to depart in July for Alabama when the Department in South Texas was divided and given to the Trans Mississippi Department.

In March 1864 Union forces moved against Laredo in an attempt to seize thousands of bales of cotton there. Late in November, a force of 1500, consisting of the 1st Texas (Union) and 2nd Texas (Union) Cavalry regiments, under the command of Brigadier General Edmund Jackson Davis, the Unionist Texan. The 1st was a unit that came over from New Orleans while the 2nd was formed in Brownsville and composed of Unionist Hispanics. The force went up the Rio Grande aboard the steamer Mustang and seized Ringgold Barracks and the town of Roma with no resistance. As word of the advance spread up the river to the town of Laredo, a local leader, Santos Benavides, who was a local merchant and political leader, became concerned. As leader of Laredo’s Hispanic population, and one time mayor in 1856, he had thrown in his lot with the Confederacy as other Hispanics became pro-Unionists. This was the condition along the river as various factions vied for supremacy. With the withdrawal of General Bee’s troops, Benavides, a Confederate Colonel, had the only creditable force in South Texas, and that wasn’t much. Fortunately, the Federals halted for the winter, allowing the Rebels to gather supplies for the fight that was surely coming.

An article in the Civil War Times Illustrated (August 1980) detailed what was to follow:

Early in 1864, a reconnaissance force of 25 led by Lieutenant Martin Gonzales left Laredo and rode 200 miles into deep South Texas and managed to track Federal movements, revealing that Davis’ troops were on the move and heading for Laredo. On March 17, 1864, Confederate troops under Colonel John "Rip" Ford left San Antonio on what was called the "Rio Grande Expedition" hoping to take back the lower Rio Grande Valley. The lead elements were ambushed by Union guerrillas under Cecilio Valerio, a pro-Union Hispanic attached to the 2nd Texas (Union), and stopped. This left Benavides with only a total of 72 militiamen in order to defend Laredo.
March 19, 1864: a relative of Benavides named Cayetano de la Garze rode into Laredo and reported that a force of 1000 was approaching the town. Benavides ordered bales of
cotton, at the time being stacked for shipment into Mexico, be used as barricades in case of street to street fighting. He also ordered the cotton burned if things went against the Confederates. As citizen volunteers lined the roofs of Laredo, Benavides, also ailing, led his small force out to face the enemy.
The Federal force approaching Laredo actually consisted of 200 men, half under Valerio and the other half under Jim Fisk, another guerilla. In order to get to Laredo, the Federals crossed into Mexico and rode up the south bank until they were within a few miles of their objective, then they crossed the river again and soon was within a half mile of the town. Benavides placed his 42 men into a corral east of town and sent the remainder into Laredo as a final defensive line. As the Union troops approached the corral, they split into groups of 40 and began to launch their attack. Through three hours of fighting, Benavides’ men held off the Federals with no Rebel causalities, but managed to inflict substantial losses on them. After three heavy assaults and with night falling, the men of the 2nd Texas (Union) had to retreat to the southeast and make camp three miles away. In the early morning hours of March 20, Confederate cavalry, who were in a camp 25 miles to the north, arrived to reinforce Benavides, with the added effect of forcing the Union force to break camp and retreat further away. On March 21, a scouting party sent from Laredo and commanded by Benavides’ brother Refugio found a trail of abandoned equipment, some of it bloody, and spotting several groups of Federals who were running back toward Brownsville. The Federal force had totally broken.
Benavides’ illness caught up with him and he collapsed while checking out a report on another force of Union troops approaching Laredo (this turned out to be one of his own scouting parties). Soon, help arrived in the form of Colonel Ford’s troops from San Antonio, the ambush only delaying them. Laredo became the staging area for a new Confederate offensive to drive the Federals from South Texas. Benavides had to sit out the first stages of the offensive due to his illness, but recovered in time to participate in driving the Federals from Brownsville and ending Edmund Davis’ dream to re-conquer Texas for the Union. Benavides would be promoted to Brigadier General for his actions.

Col. Benavides had defended the town and forced Federal soldiers to retire down the river. In their hasty retreat they abandoned rifles, pistols, and ammunition at the Ringgold Barracks. These fell into the hands of Col. Ford.

The political and social unheavals occurring in Mexico, coupled with the incursion of Emperor Maximilian, made that side of the border ever bit as volatile as the U.S. side where battle tides of the Civil War caused uncertain and fluctuating events. Juan Cortina with his ever-changing alliances in the state of Tamaulipas only added to the confusion and challenges facing Union military leaders in the region. It is little wonder that in the Wisconsin Adjutant General's history confusing and prejudicial statements were made. Still they reflect the attitudes at he time and are deserving of attention. Several passages are of note in portraying the Brownsville area of the period. They state:

For years, a kind of guerilla warfare had been waged along both sides of the Rio Grande, in which Mexicans, Texans, and Indians had taken a part-- the Mexican a cross between the Indian and Negro, and the Texan, an outlaw, who fled from civilization to save his head. The poorer Mexicans lived in houses of cane and straw that resembled cow sheds rather than human dwellings. Many of them obtained a livelihood by selling wood which they transported on the backs of poor, wretched, little, lean donkeys, the crooked limbs of the wood being adjusted to the animal's ribs.

Hay was carried in the same way, and also upon carts drawn by oxen hitched together at the horns, oxen poorer than Pharoah's lean kind. Half-naked Mexicans harnessed themselves to barrels in which they drew water about the streets for citizens. The common dress was of leather, horsehide tanned with the hair on being preferred as most genteel. Deer skin jackets, hats with enormous brims, belts with concealed knives, and red sashes, constituted some of the articles of clothing seen in the streets of Brownsville. During their stay of eight months, the regiment enjoyed excellent health. The water of the Rio Grande was more than any they had drank except that of the Mississippi, since leaving Missouri. They built an ice house and cleaned the filthy streets of Brownsville. Only five deaths occurred in the regiment while they remained.

By June 1864 army engineers, with Col. Hodnutt in charge, began to construct a railroad from Brazos de Santiago to the river in order to facilitate the movement of supplies. [See the Cameron County Historical Commission website's online essay "Nathaniel White, La Feria's Man of Mystery" for more on this railroad completed the following year by Gen. Phil Sheridan.]

CSA forces under Ford kept prodding. On June 22 at the Ebonal Ranch his men forced Union pickets to retreat towards nearby Brownsville. On July 25 Ford advanced to Brownsville's outskirts. From a natural depression, named Dead Man's Hollow, about one-half mile west of the town he commeneced a long-range artillery exchange. Neither side accomplished much.

Meanwhile the Union army began to retrench in the area and cut its manning to about 2,500 soldiers and ,while abandoning Fort Brown on July 28, 1864, kept a presence on Brazos Island for the remainder of the war. One account says that 2,000 refugees accompanied the retreat. When Ford's men reconnoited on July 30 they found that the U.S. forces had departed leaving a trail of discarded equipment indicating the haste of their retreat. Col. Henry Martyn Day was left in command of this residue force that included a number of Black soldiers protected by eleven artillery pieces. In early May 1865 there were 1,600 Federal soldiers on the island. Day, from Washington County, NY, was with the XIII Corps, Department of the Gulf from 25 August 1863 until reassigned to Alabama on 26 March 1865. Herron was to depart his command in August 1864. His replacement was to be Brig.- Gen. Fitz Henry Warren. Warren was a Massachusetts native who had moved to Iowa. He was an assistant postmaster general in 1849, famed editorial writer, politician, and had organized the 1st Regiment Iowa Volunteer Cavalry among his other accomplishments.

By July 30 Brownsville was then in the possession of a group of armed Confederate citizens before the arrival of the Cavalry of the West and Lt. Colonel Daniel Showalter. In less than five months Ford, and circumstances, had removed the Yankees from Laredo to Brownsville and, in fact, to an area below Orive Bend. Ford, who had earlier relinguished his officer's commission, accomplished this without help from the organized Confederate army in Texas. The then forty-nine year old did it by dint of his strong personality, his leadership, his previous accomplishments, and his magnetic attraction for men who would follow him despite numerous depredations they might, and would, encounter. Ford, in fact, was suffering much of the time from malaria and other adverse physically debilitating health conditions.

Rear Admiral David G. Farragut dispatched Commander Henry French to the mouth of the Rio Grande with a mission "of a most delicate character… to prevent the introduction of munitions of war… and the exit of cotton from Texas." Naturally the cotton trade resumed despite the blockade of warships on the coast. Commander French of the S.S. Albatross would, like other US Navy commanders, board foreign vessels to check papers, but always found them in order. Cargo ships at the mouth of the river in Mexican waters came from Britain, Spain, Prussia, Denmark, and Brazil among other nations. Hunter clarifies what was transpiring. The Federal blockade commander wrote the American consul in Matamoros as follows:

In regard to the cotton which is daily coming out of the river under the Mexican flag, he (a Mexican official) assured me that it was all bona-fide Mexican property and that it had been in Matamoros for a long time, and that this shipment has been going on since May during the presence here of our blockading vessels. Now, my dear sir, it appears to me that this is all wrong and I cannot but think every ounce of cotton here is really liable for seizure, and I would not hesitate one moment but for your certificate on the bill-of-lading that it is Mexican property shipped from a Mexican port.

U. S. Consul Leonard Pierce honestly replied (9/16/62) to the remarks as follows:

As to the cotton, there is not one pound in fifty that ever belonged to a Mexican, neither is there one bale in ten that has ever remained a week on Mexican soil. It is true that cotton has been shipped from this port while our blockading ships were here, as it was decided that when cotton paid an import and export duty to Mexico, it became naturalized, and the only way to stop it would be to prevent its crossing the frontier, which could be done by occupying Fort Brown with a small force. In my certificate I merely certify that they declare the cotton to be legally shipped from Matamoros. There is no doubt that most of the trade with Matamoros is illegal.

By 1864 cotton was bringing 75 to 82 cents gold per pound. It had risen steadily from 16 cents in August 1862.

With Federal troops encamped at Clarksville in August 1864, they were able to somewhat impede the easy flow of cotton into Mexico. However, when they removed themselves to Brazos Island, the trade by the spring of 1865 had risen to about 2,000 bales per month.

Different volunteer units were also experiencing the end of their commitments to military service and Fort Brown saw the mustering out of numerous veterans. These included Battery E of the 1st Missouri Light Artillery (Cole's) mustered out in June 1864. Soldiers of the 37th Illinois Veteran volunteer Infantry were veteranized 2/28/64 but given a furlough until April after which time they were moved to Memphis, Tennessee. The 26th Indiana also re-enlisted and was sent home on furlough. As a result, by February 1864, the First Brigade, now under Col. Hodnutt, consisted of only the 38th Iowa and 91st Illinois.

While the battlefield had slight dangers here, the threat of disease was ever present. Soldiers were to die of typhoid fever, pneumonia, tuberculosis (consumption), chronic diarrhea, congestive chills, cholera, and malaria [also at the time called ague]. Small pox was also an occasional visitor. Gen. Herren himself was afflicted with it but survived the ordeal. Although yellow fever was the scourge of many ports during the war and had hit New Orleans, there is no record of it affecting Valley soldiers.

It wasn't until late 1865 that supplemental medical aid was sent to the Valley by the Northwest Sanitary Commission. This was a private agency that through volunteer efforts supplied food, medical dressings, and other supplies to military hospitals. The famed Eliza Emily Chappell Porter traveled to the Valley to aid facilities in Brownsville and Brazos Island. Her husband with the 1st Illinois Light Artillery Regiment would later become chaplain at Fort Brown and she head of the Presbyterian-sponsored coeducational Rio Grande Seminary in Brownsville.

Gen. Dana would make note of the low morale of the Union troops in this period. The low spirit manifested itself in the lack of discipline brought on, in part, by erratic pay periods, idleness, inactivity, and a pay differential between white and Black soldiers. The former were compensated at $13 per month the latter $9.

The army would need an object lesson and found it in the case of Pablo Garcia. He was part of the First Texas Cavalry Regiment created by Col. John Haynes of Brownsville. Most men of this regiment were Texans of Mexican ethnicity. An estimated 958 such ethnics fought for the Union, most in the 2nd Texas Cavalry. By the second half of 1864 about 200 had deserted the 2nd with good reason. They lacked supplies, uniforms, and were concerned that they were to be sent to Louisiana.

Private Garcia was charged with leaving his sentry post on 5/10/64. Captain Edward G. Miller presided at Garcia's court-martial. Garcia was found guilty and sentenced to be executed by a firing squad on 6/27/64. He bravely faced the twelve man musketry. Soldiers of the fort were then marched by to view the grisly scene of Garcia's body. They could not help but be stunned by the justice meted for a seemingly minor offence.

For a period of nine tranquil months the 38th Iowa Volunteer Infantry remained on duty in Brownsville. A series of letter written by 27-year old Capt. Horace Baldwin to his 20- year old wife Catherine (Katie) traces his life in Brownsville in the year 1864. Mainly professing the love of his wife, the letters touch on the temptations here of liquor and loose women. Some of the latter had come from New Orleans to conduct business. Also the soldiers could daily get an eyeful of Mexican women bathing unabashedly in the river along the Matamoros shore. Periodic rumors would arise about the Rebels organizing a force to attack the Union troops, but nothing ever came of them. Soon the excitement would recede and the soldiers would settle back into the old dull and monotonous camp life.

Baldwin frequently complained about the boredom and of "old Maj. Chadwick", an officer over him that he considered incompetent. He also expressed no admiration for the hard-drinking Herron and indicated he was anxious for him to be relieved. He took notice of the malodorous smells wafting from across the river. "Over in Matamoros dead horses and cattle are allowed to lie around the streets, and if they are ever removed it is to a place just opposite our camp and there they remain until decomposed. The skeletons of hundreds of animals are now lying within a short distance of the Mexican city. I cannot see how they can bear the smell of them—as they are closer the city than they are to us and when the wind comes from that direction we can scarcely put up with the smell."

In mid-March 1864 Baldwin wrote home of the death of his fellow Iowan and neighbor Sgt. Sholts, who had suffered many months with chronic diarrhea. He wrote that he had "his boys put on their best clothes—and told them I wanted them to look and to do their best—and they done it—I never saw men do better. As we marched through the streets of Brownsville going to the grave, the people flocked out in crowds to see us—I have not written his wife yet…poor woman how I pity her and her two little one." He writes, "Thus it is that our comrades are passing away. Twenty-nine have gone—almost half of our number when we left Dubuque—but I am in hopes that our loss will not be so great in the next year."

By the end of April Baldwin wrote his wife that the cavalry was out scouting for Rebel activity, that Old Fort Brown had been thoroughly repaired and several heavy guns mounted in it, and that the available force was 2,500 men. Lastly, he expressed confidence in the ability of the soldiers to defend the fortification, even under the attack of a superior force. Col. Ford at this time vastly overestimated the Union contingent in Brownsville and accordingly acted cautiously.

The fortifications at Fort Brown were minimal relative to other forts to be found across the country. In July 1861 Col. Ford had received some funds from Gov. Edward Clark to use in repairs of Old Fort Brown and some improvements were made at that time. In one dispatch to his superiors Herron had described the fort's defenses as consisting of a "series of small redoubts, connected by strong rifle-pits, extending across a peninsula just above the town. These works are constructed of sand, and, although not as strong as could be wished, would nevertheless enable the garrison to make a stout defense. They mount at the present time three guns, two 20-pounder Parrotts, and one 24, smooth."

A Parrott (rifle) was a type of muzzle loading rifle-bore artillery weapon. It was created in 1860 and manufactured with a combination of cast iron and wrought iron. A 20 pounder was the next to smallest size, having about a 3" bore and a range up to 1,900 yards with a trained crew. Its barrel alone weighed over 1,800 pounds. Although it had a welded wrought iron reinforcing band, it still retained a poor reputation for safety.

The 24 (smooth) was a muzzle-loading smooth bore cannon with a diameter of 5.8" and a tube length of 124". With a six pound explosive charge it propelled 24.3 lbs. of shot up to a range of 1,592 yards. Iron models weighed 5,790 lbs.

With pressing military concerns in Alabama requiring more soldiers, the Union forces in the LRGV had by 6/23/64 abandoned nearly all of their outposts along the river. Gen. Herron was relieved of his command in the Valley on 7/12/64 and in two days later sailed for Morganza, Louisiana. He took with him all the forces except the 91st Illinois, 1st Texas Cavalry under Capt. P. G. Temple, 1st Missouri Artillery under Lieut. A. Hils, 19th Iowa Infantry, and the 81st Negro Engineers who remained at Brazos Santiago under Col. H. M. Day.

Col. J. O. Hodnutt, in command of the 38th Iowa Brigade, was to write:

Some worthy secesh has very kindly furnished me with a home—a good country house surrounded by fine old trees, and the grounds round ornamented with shrubbery, the whole known under the Euphonius title of Shannondale. On hearing of our approach the owner kindly vacated the premises and moved across to Mexico and so modest is he that he has never called to see how vandal Yank has cared for his premise.

This regiment had left Brownsville on July 28, 1864 and on the 31st at Brazos Island embarked on the steamer City of Richmond for New Orleans. It then moved on to Alabama for the successful siege of Fort Morgan.

The Confederates quickly moved in to fill the vacuum. It was on 6/23/64 (another source says 6/21/64) that Col. Ford and twelve other officers leading 250 men crossed the Arroyo Colorado at the shallow Paso de Gigante south of the El Gigante Ranch [this is currently the very south end of Dilworth Road, Harlingen.] The contingent encountered a force of 100 men of Companies A and C, Davis' First Texas Cavalry, camped at Las Rucias Ranch (now just west of the current community of Los Indios). They were engaged in picket duty under Capt. Temple. After taking refuge in the only brick building in the area the Federals were to be defeated with a loss of two killed, five wounded, and 28 taken captive. Many fled across the river. Captain Temple was reported to have "left early" to rejoin Herron. This was just before Giddings and his battalion arrived on the scene. In his account Fehrenbach relates that many Union men were killed and 30 captured while only eight escaped to report the incident to Gen Herron. Still another historian gives the figures of 36 taken prisoner, 20 killed, 20 horses recovered along with arms and equipment. Herron did not repond with an offensive move. On the Confederate side three or four were killed and 11 wounded. Ford then tried to cut off communications between Brownsville and Brazos Santiago but failed in this tactic.

The engagements that then ensued are best characterized by the term "skirmishes" rather than battles. One such event occurred on 8/9/64 when 75 men from the 81st Negro Engineers went to Point Isabel from the post on Brazos Island in order to collect lumber that had been landed there for their use. A small contingent of Confederates surprise them and then retreated. So did the Federals under Captain Jordan. They retreated and embarked on the little steamer Hale that had brought them across the bay. The following day Capt. William M. Shepherd of the 91st Illinois took a detachment from his regiment and also soldiers from the 19th Iowa back to Point Isabel. The few Confederates retired upon being confronted by this larger force. The fact was that by 8/1/64 there were but 1,200 Union soldiers now stationed at the Brazos de Santiago post under the command of Colonel Day.

The scenario of military action becomes confusing at this point, for in the region Liberal Mexican soldiers were confronting the Imperialist army of Maximilian. Having heard that the Confederates were herding cattle at White's Ranch to turn over to Imperialist forces across the river, Col. Day on 9/6/64 set off with 300 men of the 91st Illinois and First Texas Cavalry together with one 12-lb. howitzer from the 1st Missouri Artillery. At Palmito Hill Day encountered a small detachment of the 33rd Texas Cavalry Confederate under Capt. Richard Taylor. It was soon driven off and the cattle confiscated. After Taylor retreated to Brownsville and recounted the circumstances, Baird's regiment and Lt.-Col. Showalter with a force of 600 moved south to retake the cattle.

In the meantime Cortina's Liberal forces had been repelled in an attempt to attack the French forces in Bagdad. In retreat, the fleeing soldiers crossed the river to the U. S. side. Once there Col. Day demanded that the refugees turn over all their arms. They did so, but when Showalter's forces showed up at Palmito Hill the arms were returned so the Mexicans could assist the Federals in the ensuing confrontation on 9/6/64. The combined forces took the day after two days of fighting. Cortina's artillery shelling of Showalter's ranks helped to turn the tide of battle. The routed Confederates retreated back to Brownsville. On the way they encountered Giddings' Battalion that Ford had sent south to reinforce Palmito Hill. When George Giddings came up to the fleeing Confederates he was able to stabilize a defense. He relived Showalter, who had alcohol problems, on the spot.

Gidddings then counterattacked and drove Day's forces back to the island. Ford proclaimed that the Union forces had suffered 550 casualties, a wildly exaggerated number.

Fourteen of Cortina's men had been captured in the contest however. Day then claimed that the Mexicans were regularly enlisted soldiers. Southern records would later claim that the whole episode had been orchestrated and that Cortina was supposed to advance and take Brownsville for the Union. By 9/22/64 the evasive Cortina, who controlled Matamoros, had made an agreement with Ford allowing the Confederates unlimited passage between Brownsville and Matamoros.

John H. Hunter's account of the foregoing has a slightly different twist as could be expected with anything connected with the mercurial and opportunistic Cortina. According to Hunter the following transpired after Cortina came to believe the French would soon take Matamoros:

On the night of September 9, 1864, Cortina crossed with some 500 to 600 men and joined Federal forces approaching Brownsville from Brazos Island. The Confederate outposts near Palmeto Ranch discovered the move and called in reinforcements. A pitched battle was fought and Cortina's force was split. He and approximately half of the force recrossed into Mexico to make their escape. However, Ford managed to capture 12 known Cortina men. These twelve were important because Ford called on the Union commander, Col. Day, to state definitely whether these men were actually Union soldiers or plain bandits. On September 13, Col. Day gave a written reply to the effect that these men were formerly members of Cortina's Brigade but were regular enlisted men in the service of the U. S. flag and entitled to treatment as other prisoners of war. This admission saved them from the firing squad and, at the same time, confirmed the information passed over by Gen. Servando Canales.

Exchanges would continue. On 10/14/64, fifty Confederates reached Boca Chica and met an equal force of Day's. When Federal warships were thought to enter the fray, the Confederates retreated. Neither side sustained casualties.

There was to be one last major military engagement in the LRGV. When the end of the Confederacy was evidenced in March 1865," local Confederate commanders, Brig. Gen. James E. Slaughter and Col. John S. Ford accepted Maj. Gen. Lewis Wallace's invitation to meet at Point Isabel on March 6 to discuss terms of peace. [Slaughter, in November 1864, had established the Western Sub District Headquarters in Brownsville.] An informal truce was established and a formal peace seemed at hand." Wallace had wined and dined his guests with $600 of vittles and libations. The meeting was amiable.

Hunter provides the background behind Wallace's actions. He relates:

Gen. Lew Wallace of the Ben Hur fame, convinced Gen. Grant that he could obtain the surrender of the Confederate Trans-Mississippi Department if given a free hand to make contact and spread his diplomatic pitch. Grant issued a formal order for Lew Wallace to "inspect" forces at Brazos Island. He sent Wallace without any formal credentials and clearly told him not to make any proposal in the name of the U.S. Government. It was purely a "fishing expedition", but Grant put a warship at his disposal for the trip and assured him that, if he could arrange a surrender offer, it would have Grant's support in order to get government official approval. His trip and proposal are well documented. The bait being offered to Confederates was a plan to join forces and drive Maximillian out of Mexico. A large portion of the Confederacy had nursed that idea with hopes that a slice of Northern Mexico could be taken over and set up as a new slave territory.

Among other things Wallace did offer that the Texas Confederate forces would be permitted to retain their arms for use in Mexico. Slaughter and Ford stated that they were not authorized to act in any manner regarding any proposals. When they forwarded transcripts of the talks, marked "top secret" to Gen. Walker in Houston, he was outraged by its contents and criticized both for transmitting it to him. He soundly rejected any "proposal of surrender apart from a general surrender of the Confederate Government."

All later learned of Gen. Lee's surrender of his Army of Virginia to Gen. Grant at the Appomattox Courthouse on April 9, 1865. This didn't occur until May 18. According to Pierce, on May 1, 1865 the total number of Union soldiers in Cameron County and under the command of Brig. Gen. E. B. Brown was 1,915 of which 1,165 were Colored.

This agreement was broken when Col. Theodore H. Barrett, who commanded the forces at Brazos de Santiago, precipitated an attack on Rebel forces at White's Ranch. Barrett was a new politically-appointed officer who possibly had political ambitions for the postwar period. He wished to pad his resume. He was in command of the 62nd Infantry (Negro). He was also in charge of the 34th Indiana, the Morton Rifles; a New York regiment commanded by Lt. Col. Robert G. Momsen; and some Texas cavalry commanded by Brownsville man, Col John L. "Jack" Haynes.

He asked his commander General E. B. Brown "for permission to demostrate against the Confederates." This request was denied, but Barrett moved ahead despite the orders given to him and over the protests of Lt. Colonel David Branson of the 34th Indiana. One historian goes so far as to contend that Brown himself may have ordered the attack in order to seize the valuable 2000 cotton bales stored in Brownsville warehouses.

Initially Barrett had planned to move into Point Isabel and likely on to Fort Brown which he may have believed would soon be evacuated by retreating Confederates. Bad weather had changed this strategy. On 5/11/65 Barrett had dispatched 250 men of the 62nd U.S. Colored Infantry Regiment (Missouri) and 50 unmounted men of the 2nd Texas Cavalry Regiment USA under the command of Lt.-Col. David Branson. First Lieutenat Hancock and Second Lieutenat James were officers on the scene.The Rebels, believed to be 65 in number, were not at White's Ranch when the Union soldiers arrived at 2 a.m., so they moved about a mile and a half further and settled down for the night in brush along the river. Sympathertic Mexican forces alerted the Confederates to the Union soldiers' presence. The next morning (the 12th) Branson sought action with a group of Confederates at the Palmito Ranch about 1 ½ mile above White's Ranch. In a brief morning skirmish concluded by noon, the Union soldiers drove Confederate Capt. George Roberson (a second source names this individual Capt. W. N. Robinson) and the 190 men of Lt. Col. Giddings's Texas Cavalry Battalion back toward Brownsville. Three Confederates were captured along with two horses, four cows, and the 10 days rations which had just been issued.

Giddings, upon being confronted, had sent word to Brownsville requesting help. Reinforcements for them lingered at Fort Brown. These were General James Edwin Slaughter and Col. John S. Ford with 600 men commanded by Capt. D. M. Wilson and a section of Capt. O. G. Jones' light artillery. Slaughter and Ford were not in agreement as to what action to pursue. Slaughter favored a retreat while the diehard Ford wished to attack. No action occurred as Branson retreated to White's Ranch for the night. Once here he sent a messenger to the island requesting reinforcements. These appeared at daybreak of the 13th as 200 men of the 34th Indiana Volunteers under the command of Lt. Col. Robert G. Morrison.. Lt.-Col. Barrett also joined the force and assumed overall command. This brought the Union force total to 550. However, the late arriving soldiers were exhausted from the forced nighttime march and the humid heat they experienced. Two six-mule teams hauled surplus ammunition and supplies. The contingent had crossed Boca Chica at 9:30 p.m.

The Union forces advanced this day to Palmito Ranch, reaching it between seven and eight a.m. and again encountered Roberson. A skirmish ensued after which the Confeerate retreated. All stores found were burned as well as the ranch buildings after which time the Union forces then moved forward against a resisting but outmanned CSA force.With his troops needing rest Barrett fell back a mile and a half to a bluff on Tulosa Ranch and dug in at this point. The 34th had already taken its position here.The ranch was southwest of Palmito and 12 miles east of Boca Chica.

Ford assembled the Second Cavalry troops loyal to him and Col. Santos Benevides' Texas Cavalry Regiment (all told about 300) and six pieces of artillery. Barrett in his later report characterized these as 12 pounders. These were augmented by Roberson's men. By 11 a.m. May 13 Ford's cavalry was on the scene. By mid-afternoon near Rancho San Martin Ford sighted Col. Barrett's force. He issued orders for a two-pronged attack. At 4 p.m. Jones' artillery, some manned by French volunteers, commenced a bombardment creating considerably terror in Union ranks. The Union force had no artillery to answer back. Ford's aggressive cavalry in its flank attack quickly had the 34th Indiana and the 2nd Texas on the run. The Union skirmish line was broken. One hundred ten men under captains Miller and Coffin and lieutenants Foster and Mead had been left behind as skirmishers. A dramatic cavalry charge by Captain Robinson broke this defensive line. Forty-eight were captured. Within a few hours the outcome was clearly in favor of Ford. Erroneously Barrett had come to believe that he was outnumbered by a two to one margin. He ordered a retreat, but picket lines to be manned by soldiers of the 62nd were not initially established to slow the attacking Confederates. Chaos prevailed. Ford pursued the enemy to Cobb's Ranch, which was two miles from Boca Chica. He then broke off the engagement, as thoughts of cutting off the Union troops with his small force might have imperiled them if they were trapped between the retreating force and reinforcement coming from Brazos Island.

After a victory had already been assured the Confederates, Gen. Slaughter was to arrive late in the day along with the battalion commanded by Col. Thomas C. Cater. He now exhibited the desire to take full advantage of the chaos and ordered the tired troops to resume battle. Ford however was commanding both exhausted men and horses. He felt that the firing would alert Union forces on the island who would then reinforce Barrett. Slaughter with a somewhat fresher force moved to cut off the retreating Union soldiers who would have to move across a narrow levee that spanned a tide-water slough. Fortunately for them the Federals were able to move the majority across the morass to where a bluff afforded a defensive position. As the sun set that day the Federal forces had been driven all the way back to Brazos Island. Were it not for 140 men of the 62nd Colored Infantry who formed a skirmish line north from the river to effect a somewhat orderly retreat by the remaining Union soldiers, losses would have been great. The CSA's Captain Carrington, perhaps with overtones of racial prejudice, later stated "Branson's Negro regiment was quickly demoralized and fled in dismay." Once on the island the Federals could be covered by fire from a Union sloop of war and the confrontation drew to a close. Showalter in a belated arrival would ride toward the island and fire his pistol in a showy but empty display of bravado.

Scattered fire from both sides was exchanged for a short period. A shell, possibly from the S. S. Isabella, landed between the two forces. A 17-year old Reb got overexcited and blasted away with his Enfield rifle in the direction of the explosion. "The last gun had been fired."

John Jefferson Williams of the 34th Indiana Volunteer Infantry is documented as the last man killed at the Battle at Palmito Ranch and hence the last soldier to die in an active skirmish of the Civil War. In the four-hour fight, twenty to thirty Federals were said to have died (some drowning while attempting to swim the river to Mexico and some even killed by Mexican sympathizers). Barrett's August 10 report to headquarters of the Third Brigade noted 111 Federal casualties, both dead and wounded. Fehrenbach states that the 34th Indiana had lost 220 of its 300 complement. In fear of losing their lives some had thrown down their arms and surrendered though most of Hancock's company escaped capture. This statistic appears to be inflated. Nine Union men sustained wounds while one hundred eleven men and four officers were captured by the Confederates. Still another historian believed 30 Federals were killed and 113 taken prisoner. The prisoners were soon released by Ford regardless of their origin, that is, even the "Southern renegades" among them. Later reports to the Union commander stated that many of Haynes' Texas Unionists were shot after they surrendered. Haynes himself was spared. Other combatants suspected that "most of these Southern deserters had died fighting rather than surrender."

It was lax discipline on the part of the 34th Indiana under Col. Morrison that resulted in "the relative disorder of its retreat". A court martial of Morrison was later held, but he was exonerated. Ford later wrote that Barrett "seemed to have lost his presence of mind" and to have led his troops off the field in a "rather confused manner". It is with some irony that the last battle of the Civil War was a victory for the Confederate States of America.

In May 1965 on the centennial anniversary of the Civil War, United Daughters of the Confederacy and Sons of Confederate Veterans organizations met in Brownsville. A pamphlet titled "Battle of Palmito Ranch" was published. Its synopsis of the last battle ran as follows:

May 11, 1865. – Col. Theodore H. Barrett, commanding Brazos Island, ordered Lt. Col. David Branson, with 250 men, by ferry to Point Isabel at 4 A.M. Due to a storm and ferry trouble, the troops could not cross. Later Branson was ordered to cross at Boca Chica with 250 men of the 62nd U.S. Colored Infantry and 50 men of the 2nd Texas non-mounted Cavalry. Crossing was effected at 9:30 P. M.

May 12, 1865. – At 2:00 A. M. they arrived at White Ranch expecting to capture a Confederate out-post of 65 men who had left a couple days before. At 8:30 A. M. Branson and his men started for Palmito and soon skirmishing started with some 190 Confederate cavalry. The Confederates were pushed back beyond Palmito and the Federal Forces stopped to rest at Palmito. While there, strong Confederate forces appeared and Branson fell back to White Ranch for the night. He sent a message to Barrett that night telling him of the situation.

May 13, 1865, -- Col. Barrett and 250 men of the 34th Indiana Volunteer Infantry, under the command of Lt. Col. Morrison, arrived at daybreak. On Barrett's order the Federal troops advanced and soon skirmishing commenced. The Confederates were pushed back towards Fort Brown beyond La Tulosa. Afterwards, the Federals fell back to the high ground at La Tulosa. At about 3:30 P. M., the Confederates under Col. John Salmon (Rip) Ford, now in command, opened their cannon fire and their cavalry tried to turn the Federal right flank and gain their rear columns. The Federals started falling back, leaving 48 men of the 34th Indiana Infantry deployed as skirmishers. These men were captured by the Confederate flanking movement. The federals continued retiring towards Boca Chica using 140 men of the 62nd U. S. Colored Infantry as skirmishers to cover for about 4 hours. Victory belonged to the South.

Union officers committed themselves to educating the Blacks in their commands. It was done in a military fashion however. General Order No. 31 issued to the Missouri Black Regiment at Morganza, Louisiana, July 3, 1864 by Lt. Col. David Branson stated in effect that all non-commissioned officers of the command who should fail to learn to read by January 1, 1865 would be reduced in rank. It went on to say, "All soldiers of this command who have by any means learned to read and write, will aid and assist to the extent of their ability their fellow soldiers to learn these invaluable arts, without which no man is properly fitted to perform the duties of a free citizen."

Once encamped at Brazos Santiago Branson continued in the same vein with his Gen. Orders No. 35 of 10/29/64, to wit:

Hereafter when any soldier of this command is found to be, or to have been, playing cards, he will be placed in some prominent position in the camp with book in hand, and required then and there to learn a considerable lesson in reading and spelling: and if unwilling to learn, he will be compelled by huger to do so. When men are found gambling in any way, the money at stake will be seized and turned into the Regt. Hospital fund. No freed slave who cannot read well has a right to waste the time and opportunity here given him to fit himself for the position of a free citizen. This order will be read twice to this command, and copied in each order book.

On 1/25/65 Maj. J. K. Hudson, commanding the regiment, in his General Orders No. 4 provided a carrot rather than a stick when he ordered:

The Regimental Council of Administration having appropriated Fifty Dollars for the purchase of premiums for the encouragement of the enlisted men of this Regiment to learn to write it is hereby ordered that a gold pen be given to the Sergeant in each Company, who shall learn to write the best by the fourth day of July 1865; that a gold pen be given in each Company who shall learn to write the best by the 4th day of July 1865; that a good book be given the private of each Company who shall learn to write the best by the 4th day of July 1865, these rewards to be publicly given by a committee chosen as mentioned in orders.

It was in April 1865 that Gen Grant ordered Maj. Gen. Philip H. Sheridan to the southwest immediately with a goal to cut off any fleeing Confederate soldiers and Confederate government officials while at the same time securing and sealing off the U.S.-Mexico border from French imperial forces under Archduke Maximilian who had installed himself as emperor of Mexico in 1864. Once in New Orleans Sheridan found Gen. Kirby-Smith, CSA, ready to surrender his remaining forces. Kirby-Smith did so verbally on May 26. On May 29, 1865 Sheridan announced his assumption of command of the military Division of the Southwest. The day before Union Brig. Gen. E. B. Brown had started all of his forces for Brownsville. When they arrived there on the morning of May 30, any Confederate artillery to be secured had been turned over to the Imperialists by Gen. J. E. Slaughter, CSA.

Gen. Grant had promised Sheridan 25,000 men under Maj.-Gen. J. J. Reynolds. These would be from the 4th Army Corps at Nashville Tennessee and the 25th Army Corps at City Point, Virginia. Gen. Frederick Steele arrived with the bulk of the 25th Army Corps between June 6 and 9, 1865. Sheridan himself arrived on the scene on June 23. To improve supply logistics, one of his first acts was to complete the construction of an 18-mile railroad between Brazos and White's Ranch. This became the Valley's first railroad.

In his Memoirs of P.H. Sheridan, General Philip Sheridan provides considerable information on his Texas activities. In Volume II, Part V, Chapter IX he especially details his operations along the Rio Grande and how they abetted the Juaritas Republicans of Mexico in overthrowing Maximilian and the Imperialists. The memoir is available online through the Gutenburg Organization.

The following four paragraphs are largely material from William Richter's book on the Army's role in Reconstruction in Texas.

It was on May 30, 1865 that the Confederates conceded the inevitable and surrendered Brownsville to Union forces without a fight. "Three days later, General Edmund Kirby-Smith, commander of the Trans-Mississippi Department of the Confederacy surrendered the last Confederate army to the United States and brought the Civil War to a close." The Confederate soldiers, now released from any military obligations, quickly dispersed in all directions, taking their small arms with them.

The XIII Corps, under Brevet Maj. Gen. Gordon Granger, was broken into three segments in May 1865 in order to handle the vast Texas area. Federal troop did not arrive to restore order in Texas until 6/19/65 when 2,000 troops arrived in Galveston Island. On this date he issued Gen. Orders No. 3 that simply said, "All slaves are free. This involves an absolute equality of personal rights and rights of property between former masters and slaves and the connection heretofore existing between them becomes that between employer and hired laborer." His Gen. Orders No. 4 "declared all acts passed by the state authorities during the rebellion to be null and void. Confederate civil and military personnel were ordered to report to Houston, Galveston, Bonham, San Antonio, Marshall, or Brownsville to be paroled. All public property seized after the surrender was to be turned over to the Federal officials in these same towns. Those who failed to comply would be arrested and held as prisoners of war. Granger declared that those who violated the law by committing acts of homicide or theft were "outlaws and enemies of the human race who will be dealt with accordingly."

Outside of Galveston the Union found the initial logistics of occupation difficult. Other Texas harbors simply lacked depth. Because the harbors were very shallow, men and matériel had to be off-loaded with lighters at all points except Galveston. Shallow-draft boats were in short supply and had to be requisitioned in order to get men and materiel ashore. Granger accordingly asked Sheridan for shallow-draft boats to use at Indianola, Corpus Christi, and Brazos Santiago.

"Having accomplished his initial instructions, Granger then spread his forces across the vast Texas interior. The physical size of Texas was overwhelming to most soldiers stationed there and caused many mistaken notions about distances and travel time needed. More important, the size of Texas strained an already overtaxed supply and transportation system. The third division of Granger's corps landed at the mouth of the Rio Grande, under the command of Brevet Major General Frederick Steele."

Expecting further trouble, Granger had detached Steele's command from the XIII Corps to secure the border with Mexico. Steele accepted the surrender of Brownsville on May 31 and received orders from Granger to advance up the river as far as Roma. He was also assigned command responsibilities in Indianola and Corpus Christi. Marching from the coast on a northerly route, the army occupied Roma on June 20 but didn't reach the Ringgold Barracks in Rio Grande City until August 1 due to the lack of troops and transport.

Steele recommended further movement up the Rio Grande to Fort McIntosh, and Eagle Pass to seal off the Mexican border from refugees and bandits.

Soldiers of Gen. Frederick Steele's Third Division and its 25th Army Corps took possession of Fort Brown in the summer of 1865. Maj. Gen Steele, a West Point graduate, was to command the Western District of Texas with its headquarters in Brownsville from July through October 1865. Steele took part in the Red River Campaign and the Camden Expedition, where he was ultimately defeated at Jenkin's Ferry. In February 1865, he was transferred to the Department of the Gulf and led a division in the Union operations in the Mobile Campaign. At the close of the war received the brevet of brigadier-general of the Regular Army, for services in the capture of Little Rock, and that of major-general for services during the war. He was then transferred to Texas, and placed in command on the Rio Grande. The 27th and 28th Wisconsin were also sent to the island in June 1865. In the following two months they marched to Brownsville according to memoirs of Corporal Friedrich Buker. [Note: Frederick Herman Konrad Buker was born in Prussia 9/13/1840. He came to America in 1847. When the war started he was living in Wisconsin and was then 21 years old. He became part of the 27th Wisconsin Infantry Regiment. His Company C was composed primarily of German ethnics, most of whom spoke little English. This extract from his German language diary begins in May 1865.]

Now we went back on board the ship, back to Mobile, back to the old camping place. And on the 14th of May (payday) we stayed there till the 31st of May. Note: something more. On the 25th, 20-30 tons of powder and bombs exploded at the landing near the ships. Three are said to have burned and 300 people had died in Mobile. The houses near the harbor were all standing crookedly on their foundations and the walls and the slate roofs were caved in. It looked dismal. We thought now we could go home, but we still had to go to Texas. On the 31st of May we again left camp and we boarded the ship in Mobile. On the 1st of June we were at the landing in Mobile, then we boarded the boat, ‘Clinton of New York’. That brought us far…(?) On the 2nd of June we were probably no more than 100-150 miles from the ‘sunline’ (Tropic of Cancer?). Lovely weather, but it was stifling on the boat. On the third day we saw flying fish. On the 5th we saw 40 ships in a line, and on the 6th we were in (Braso) Santiago. Here the general Whiskey Benton, he rode one morning, probably about 9:00 approximately 300 paces toward Mexico, and there rang out a shot from the hill, and he fell from his horse. It was said he had sold the things that were sent to the sick soldiers. Now he’s selling no more…

We marched now to the Rio Grande. There we could at least fetch some water. The distilling machine was broken.

On the Rio Grande we put water into pork barrels in the evening. Then we were able the next morning to boil coffee or tea. There were sometimes up to 6-8 inches of dirt/mud in the barrel. Or we buried the barrels in the sand, then is was (?) cool. On the other side of the Rio Grande was the little city Bagdat (?) at the time the Red French were in it.

Now I said, "I have to take a look at Mexico." I fetched a pass (the only pass in the south?) and with that I had 18 men ferried over the Rio Grande with me. The boatsman took the pass again and again and (poled?) across the river until all of them had been transported. All of them had to, however, promise me that they wouldn’t get drunk, and that they would all be back at the landing by five minutes to 2. Now F. Kölmer and I went together and we really had to force ourselves not to laugh, for wherever we went the French officers stepped to the side, took off their hats, and greeted (saluted) us with the greatest respect. "Well," said Kölmer, "now let us test to see whether they’ll let us into their fort." We went there, but it was not possible to go into the fort. They made the most beautiful bows in front of us, and I said, "Ferdinand, that’s enough. Let’s go back." We thanked them as well as we could and marched back. We had never been accorded so much honor before. We had to restrain ourselves very much from laughing. 

We bought ourselves pie and everything we wanted and we ate and our fill, and each of us took along one or two bottles of champagne. That was the day we drank the least water in Texas.

Now on one occasion we also had to load boards (lumber) and it was very hot and we had no good water. Now the boys wanted to have whiskey but the officers said they couldn’t get any. "Well, send Büker, he can get it." "He can’t," said the lieutenant. "We know better. We’re exhausted. Send Büker." "Will you go, Fritz?" "Yes, but I can’t promise you that I can bring any back for you."

I went to the quartermaster’s tent and when I opened the gate a general was sitting there. I saluted and he was quite friendly. He asked me which regiment I was from. I told him everything and that Kretz was our Colonel. And he asked whether I perhaps wanted something or had to order something. I said yes, but that perhaps he would not be able to help me. Perhaps the thing that I wanted wasn’t there. I told him now the whole business. Of course I can do that, if it’s there. I called the quartermaster who at the moment was looking out the door and said, "Come here once." I didn’t have to say anything more, when he knew that it was there. The general then said, "Give the corporal as much as he wants." I took a big bucketful along. I thanked General Sheriden for his friendliness and the favor.

When I got back to the boys and told them the story there were three big ‘hurrahs’ for General Sheriden. And I had said to them that I told him that no one would drink too much, and that I would make sure of that.

The board-loading went like steam (fast). Thirty men and 30,000 feet were soon loaded. Then I said take what is left along in your buckets. I brought back the bucket and Sheriden was still there and the two of us had time for a nice conversation. Then I too went to the camp.

I had also told him that there had been three ‘hurrahs’ for him. He made a friendly face, and he said ‘that wouldn’t (hurt?) the boys’.

Now I think we had (at that time) still thirty recruits. It was on the 12th of June (I think) in the evening and if I’m not mistaken they had just buried one of the recruits. I said to our general he should let the recruits go home. We didn’t need them, and I’d be sorry if we had to bury them here. (before we left) I said they were all married men with two to four little children at home, and they were not accustomed to the hot climate, and now on top of that, the bad water. I thought we would end up burying many of them. And approximately 6,000 rebels who didn’t want to surrender. We wouldn’t obviously have enough on them for breakfast. We could catch them soon. "Well Büker," said the general, "I can’t do that. I’m as much under orders as you are." 

We spoke about that for a long time. I said he should do me the favor and write to the general, that he should write to him what I had said and that the old soldiers (or at least a few of them) had asked him to write to him. On the next day we had the answer, and he could discharge them and let them go home. Well I think I’ve never seen such friendly faces as those of our recruit soldiers. They had all been good comrades and were mostly from Manitowoc County. The boys weren’t stingy with the wine on the last evening, and oh how they thanked me, although I said that I hadn’t done that. "Well," they said, "we know better." And they promised me lots of good things if we ever saw each other again in Wisconsin.

And I didn’t begrudge them that, but a few of the men were not quite in agreement with this until I explained it to them better. We old ones, after a few days, had to march to Brownsville, but we left our camp as quietly as if going to a funeral. We too were suffering from homesickness.

That day we only went fifteen miles, and so it went until we were not very far from Brownsville, and the six regiments had surrendered after all, when they had found out that they were surrounded on all sides. And we went then as far as Brownsville and were discharged only on the 29th (June?) – and still so far from ‘home sweet home’. But on the 31st of August we were once again in Braso Santiago. We had come down the Rio Grande with a steam ship.

(margin note: On the whole march no bridge was necessary.)

Now we had to unload the whole ship one night. Thirty pontoon bridges.(margin note: Thirty pontoon bridges they said we had unloaded. Oh, what a swindle! No bridge was needed there, and no corn and oats either. And if the old ship had sunk, the government would have perhaps had to pay millions to the supplier. Oh, what swindling goes on during war!)

In Brasos we had to unload a ship and when we had unloaded it we weren’t supposed to get on it. That was the cause of some hot blood to surge in the veins of the old soldiers. It was agreed among the soldiers that the ship should not leave the harbor, and they wanted to turn around the cannons on the batteries and drill it into the ground. I saw they weren’t kidding. I went to the commander. I said he had to speak out. Now he said to the old soldiers they themselves should go up on the ship and inspect it. If they wanted to risk it, he wanted to be free of the blame if it sank, for it was an old ship. That cooled down their anger somewhat. One couldn’t blame us either for the day before and then the whole night we had unloaded the ship with every last bit of strength that we had. And now not to travel home on it… It was inspected, and the soldiers wanted to go home… And, on the 2nd of September, in the evening, we were already at 7:00 already in Galveston, and the Gulf was as beautiful as it could be until we got to New Orleans. But ever onward to the homeland… Nothing else held any interest for us. We were now on our way home. Now we arrived in Cairo, Illinois, and we were supposed to travel to Chicago in cattle cars. That made us again somewhat annoyed.

Historian Richter tells us, "Fully one-half of all the soldiers sent to Texas were stationed along the Rio Grande to intimidate Maximilian and the Mexican imperialists and to suppress continued riding by bands of desperadoes on both sides of the river."

"Steele's ability to close off the Rio Grande depended on the arrival of the XXV (Colored) Corps from Virginia. Composed of some twenty thousand veteran soldiers, this unit had been organized in December, 1863. The corps had taken part in the Petersburg siege, was bloodied at the Battle of the Crater, and was the first unit to enter Richmond in 1865.

Commanded by Brevet Major General Godfrey Weitzel, the XXV Corps had the greatest distance to travel to reach Texas. To reduce the amount of shipping needed, Weitzel was ordered to take only one-half of his wagons and one-fourth of his mules to the Southwest, along with a ''fair quantity of entrenching tools." The corps was to draw forty days' rations and embark from City Point, Virginia. By June, 1865, the XXV Corps had arrived at New Orleans, and Granger recommended that only one brigade be used to secure Indianola, another to land at Corpus Christi, while the rest of the corps would disembark at Brazos Santiago and be formed as a "movable column" to reinforce Steele."

Brevet Maj. Godfrey Weitzel's XXV Corps was moved to Texas and split, with some soldiers going to Corpus Christi and some to Roma. In addition the 28th Regiment U.S. Colored organized in Indiana embarked to Brazos Santiago and the LRGV (and also Corpus Christi) 6/10 to 7/1/65. They served there until 11/65 at which time they were mustered out. The fact was that as white volunteer regimental units were quickly mustered out at he end of the conflict, the Colored units were not discharged as rapidly. The Colored troops then filled the breach in Texas. This did not sit well with white Texans and became yet another sore point in the Reconstruction Era. On 11/14/66 Sheridan is quoted as saying, "The condition of civil affairs in Texas is anomalous, singular, and unsatisfactory." It was not until January 1867 that Grant gave orders to demobilize the last of the Negro volunteers.

A brief account in Pierce's book indicates that the Black soldiers in the area were being treated shabbily and reacted accordingly. In the terminology of the time, he relates:

On October 9, 1865, at about 9 o'clock, a mutiny broke out among the negro soldiers in Brownsville. Having nothing but tents in which to live, suffering from mosquito pests, and finally chilled by a cold northern wind which had sprung up on the Saturday following, the negroes first entered a saloon on market square and there killed the proprietor. Then they rushed in parties through the city in quest of clothing, blankets, or lumber with which to protect their bodies from the cold. On the corner of 8th and Elizabeth the Dalzell house was in the course of construction. They pounced on the lumber there. William H. Putegnat in an effort to drive them off was attacked and severely wounded by a bayonet thrust on the forehead. Several Mexicans were killed. The negroes, about 60, ultimately returned to their quarters unmolested.

Some discharged Black soldiers were sympathetic to the cause of Benito Juárez and joined his forces to fight against the Imperialists. On the other hand fleeing Confederate soldiers would join the Imperialists in hope of gleaning French support for the CSA. Maximilian and his army were conquered in Queretaro whereupon Juaristas executed him before a firing squad on June 19, 1867.

Some Civil War historians have characterized Gen. Bank's Rio Grande campaign as unsuccessful. Louis J. Schuler in his book The Last Battle writes: "The Yankee occupation of Brownsville was a disappointment to the Union. The border country at that time being in a drought condition and the Rio Grande being so low, it was impossible for river craft to navigate, making it impracticable for the Federals to pursue the Confederates. [That] supplies took two days by wagon train from Brazos Island and Point Isabel [to Brownsville] was the main detriment."

General in Chief Henry W. Halleck had been very displeased with Bank's unauthorized Texas operation. He characterized the Brownsville invasion as another "wild goose chase."

Obviously any assessment is complex. James A. Irby wrote a slim book titled "Backdoor at Bagdad: The Civil War on the Rio Grande". According to the blog of a Civil War buff, the book provides "a pretty good summary of the role the Rio Grande played in the Civil War" and "introduces readers to the complexity of the blockade at the river's mouth and the tangled web of political/economic interplay at the border between Confederate, U.S., Imperial French, and Mexican interests." He adds, "Irby comes down somewhere in the middle of the debate over how important the Rio Grande trade was to the Confederate war effort. He blames the Confederate government's disorganized response for the general misuse of the economic opportunities the region offered. The Union war effort similarly failed to commit enough resources to choking off the cross border trade. On the other hand, he admits that the numbers needed to completely secure the border made such an effort unfeasible."

 

References

 

Mary Margaret McAllen Amberson, James A. McAllen and Margaret H. McAllen. I Would Rather Sleep in Texas, Austin, Texas Historical Association, 2003.

Lewis J. Wortham. The History of Texas: From Wilderness to Commonwealth. 5 Vol., Fort Worth, 1924.

Eugene M. Ott, Jr. & Gene Lich. First Texas Calvary, USA. The Handbook of Texas

Online. <http://www.tsha.utexas.edu.handbook/online/>

James A. Marten. Hamilton, Andrew Jackson. The Handbook of Texas Online. http://www.tsha.utexas.edu.handbook/online/

William L. Richter. The Army in Texas During Reconstruction 1865-1870. Texas A & M Univ. Press, College Station, 1987.

Fredrich Buker. Memoirs of a Union Soldier. [Translated from the German by Prof. Donald Becker], Civil War Veterans of Clark County, Wisconsin, Wisconsin Valley Library Service.

Stephen A. Townsend. The Yankee Invasion of Texas. Texas A&M Univ. Press, College Station, 2006.

Tom Lea, The King Ranch Vol. I, Little, Brown & Company, Boston, 1957

Horace C. Baldwin. "Letters to Kate". <iagenweb.or/chicasaw/militaryindex.htm>

Forces Garrisoning Brownsville, Texas-Second Division, Thirteenth Army Corps. <members aol.com/wis20th/or/or16.html>

"Quiner's" History 20th Wisconsin. <members.aol.com/wis20th/>

Second Wisconsin Volunteer Infantry.< http://www.secondwi.com/>

David Wildman. 38th Regiment Iowa Volunteer Regiment-The Martyred Regiment. <freepages.history.rootsweb.com/~cooverfamily/dw-preservation-2.html>

91st Illinois Infantry, Civil War. http://www.illinoiscivilwar.org/cw91-agr.html

Brewster Hudspeth. The Short but Eventful Life of Adrian J. Vidal. <http://www.texasescapes.com/FallingBehind/Short-but-EventfullifeofAdrian-J-Vidal.htm>

Texas Military Forces in the Civil War. http://www.texasmilitaryforcesmuseum.org/tnghist11.htm

Henry Carl Ketzle. Diary of the 37th Illinois Volunteer Infantry. <www.ketzle.com/diary>

 

Edwin B. Lufkin. History of the Thirteenth Maine Regiment. http://members.aol.com/Maine13th/lufkinhistory

J.S. Clark. The History of the 34th Infantry of Iowa. www.brumm.com/genealogy/walkermoyers/certificates/Iowa34th.html

U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service. The Battle of Palmito Ranch.

National Park Service (CWSAC Battle Summaries). Palmito Ranch. http://www.cr.nps.gov/hps/abpp/battles/tx005.htm

Union-U.S. Colored Troops Infantry. www.civilwararchive.com/Unreghst/uncolinf3.htm

Wikipedia: Miscellaneous, including artillery, Heron, Steele, Banks, Dana, etc.

James A. Irby. Backdoor at Bagdad: The Civil War on the Rio Grande. Texas Western Press, 1977.

Palmito Ranch: The Last Battle of the Civil War. http://buffalo soldier.net/Palmito Ranch, Last Battle of the Civil War.htm

 

The History Net. Palmetto Ranch: War's Final Battle. http://historynet.com/cwti/bl-palmetto-ranch/index1.html

Frank Cushman Pierce. Texas' Last Frontier A Brief History of the Lower Rio Grande Valley. Originally published 1917. Republished March 1962, Rio Grande Valley Historical Society.

T. R. Fehrenbach. Lone Star A History of Texas and Texans. Macmillan Publishing Company, New York, 1968.

Philip H. Sheridan. Memoirs of P.H. Sheridan. http://www.gutenburg.org/etext/5858

47. Palmito Ranch Battlefield in Historic Landmarks of Brownsville. http://www.blue.utb.edu/localhistory/historical_landmarks_page%204.htm

 

 

 

 

 

 

Bales of cotton stored along the Matamoros, Mexico shoreline of the Rio Grande.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Fort Brown and Rio Grande steamboats as seen from Matamoros, Mexico

Edmund J. Davis as a Union officer.

 

Maj. Gen. Nathaniel P. Banks.

Maj. Gen. Francis J. Herron

 

 

Gen. Hamilton P. Bee, CSA

 

 

 

 

Col. John S. "Rip" Ford, CSA

 

 

 

 

 

 

Harper's Weekly Drawing of Brazos Santiago Landing, November 2, 1863.

Note: Point Isabel Lighthouse in the right middle distance.

 

 

 

 

Tom Lea drawing of Col. John Ford Tom Lea drawing of Charles Stillman

 

Addendum I to The Story of Union Forces in South Texas During the Civil War

In December 2006 Port Isabel area historian Rod Bates published an article in the Island Breeze later republished in the Valley Morning Star .The article recount an event eerily similar to those recorded several years previous to Union troops landing on Brazos Island. Here is Bates' article in its entirety:

Civil War's end didn't stop soldiers' rough sailing

Recently my friend Calvin Walker showed me fascinating series of letters written by an American infantry officer during and just after the Civil War. [The letters of the 19 years old have been collected and printed in a book titled My dear parents; an Englishman's letters home from the American Civil War as edited by A. S. Lewis.]

Among the letters is one that illustrates the difficulty of landing at the mouth of the Rio Grande, at the port of Clarksville, Texas or Bagdad, Mexico in those days.

James Horrocks of Farnsworth, Lancashire, England, wrote the letters in the mid-1860s through the 1870s. Horrocks seems to have gotten in trouble with a young lady of his area and so fled to America, where he assumed the alias Andrew Ross to avoid discovery. Thankfully he kept in regular contact with his kinfolk back home via the postal service, so we can enjoy his historic observations of our area.

Horrocks gained employment as a non-commissioned officer in the 5th New Jersey Battery Army of the James, as Andrew Ross (an alias), and served honorably throughout the remainder of the Civil War.

Promotion to commissioned officer status came when he volunteered to serve in the 8th U.S. Colored Infantry late in the war. This was a common route to rapid promotion because the Army found it difficult to find sufficient white officers willing to command a regiment of black troops. Higher rank (and pay with grade) was offered to fill the need. Often, a non-commissioned officer such as "Mr. Ross" could find himself promoted to captain or higher in one stroke of a general's pen.

When the Civil War ended, Ross was still obligated to fulfill the terms of his enlistment, so he remained with the U.S. Colored Infantry as they were ordered to South Texas in June 1865, as part of a large deployment of troops sent to the Rio Grande border to show force to the French occupying Mexico.

The men of the 8th were crammed like sardines aboard the steamship Illinois and, on June 11, 1865, they sailed for the Rio Grande. Upon arrival, they dropped anchor offshore and were unable to disembark because of rough seas. They waited quite some time for the Gulf of Mexico to calm, but a dwindling water supply forced them to make an attempt to reach shore. So the men were transferred by rowboat to the schooner Alice Dell to make the landing. The trouble started there.

The crowded conditions aboard the steamship were soon forgotten, as seven companies of uneasy soldiers were packed onto the little schooner. The men could easily see the line of breakers near the shore and the presence of wrecked vessels was ominous. The captain of the schooner said that there were two ways through the breakers into port, and he expected no trouble. He was optimistic.

The crowded conditions aboard the Alice Dell made hoisting the sails difficult for the crew, and the ropes fouled, causing the schooner to drift off course. The men braced for a collision with the shallow bar as the crew deployed an anchor. The brisk winds and heavy seas caused the anchor to drag as the vessel was pounded by the violent waves and began to take on water. Worse, she was drifting straight for another shipwreck.

The schooner finally stuck hard to the bottom, and the crew brought the pumps into action to keep her afloat. The captain called the officers below decks and begged the men to give a favorable report upon reaching the beach, so the government would pay for his vessel. They informed the captain that they were not sure if they would make any reports in this world.

The pumps did their job, and the vessel broke free of the bar. Extra line was played out, and when the vessel was within 100 fathoms of shore, the men were sent by ropes through the shark-infested water.

Once upon the beach, the men were marched to Brazos de Santiago to receive orders. One week later, after a "short walk" through blazing heat and poisonous critters, Ross and the 8th found themselves posted at Ringgold Barracks, some 150 miles inland of their brush with Poseidon's wrath near the point.

 

Addendum II to The Story of Union Forces in South Texas During the Civil War

Brazos Island Maps

Norman Rozeff

June 2009

When John McGibny called me about two old maps he had copied and wished to donate to the Harlingen Library, I was excited. Being a map lover, I was amazed that he possessed two Valley-related maps going back to 1865. When I later met with John in the Archive Room of the library and unscrolled the maps, I could not have been more pleased by what I encountered. Here were two large maps, approximately 24" by 36" each. They both were of Brazos Island and vicinity and had been produced by the U.S. Army for military use.

The older of the two maps, titled "North End of Brazos Island", was made under the direction of Capt. P.C. Hains, Acting Chief Engineer, Department of the Army, dated July 10, 1865. The second, smaller scale map dated January 23, 1866, was drawn by S. E. McGregory, 1st Lt. 96th U.S. Colored Infantry and Acting Engineer and is titled "U.S. Military Railroad from Brazos Santiago to Whites Ranch". It was part of a Report of Inspection sent to Maj. General Wright. On both maps is a wealth of information, for what existed in terms of military fortifications, infrastructure, support, and amenities that disappeared forever many decades ago. In fact the depot had been abandoned after the ferocious hurricane of 1867 that also demolished Clarksville, Texas, Bagdad, Mexico, and inundated both Brazos Island and Point Isabel.

Brazos Island had first experienced military activities in the Mexican War. The military under General Zachary Taylor established a base on the north end of Brazos Island at the start of the Mexican War in 1846. Its purpose was to be a landing, supply depot, encampment, and staging area for further military action in Mexico itself. This poorly sheltered port and that at Point Isabel, where Fort Polk was erected, were the only ports for hundreds of miles of coastline. They were made accessible by the shallow Brazos Santiago Pass between Brazos Island and Padre Island to the north. Point Isabel had the drawback of being only accessible to shallow draft craft. At these locations General Winfield Scott in February 1847 was to amass a force of 12,000 soldiers preparatory to commencing an amphibious invasion of Vera Cruz, Mexico on March 10, 1847.

The older map shows a solitary dock at the west end of Brazos Santiago Pass. Near it may be a large warehouse. Sixteen other buildings that parallel the pass include the port headquarters. Further east, also paralleling the pass is drawn ten rows of four tents each of the 34th Indiana Volunteers.

Just south of the dock is the Lagoon Battery with its four light field guns facing north from the embrasures. An embrasure is an opening with sides flaring outwar5d in a wall or parapet of a fortification, usually for firing a cannon. On the east end of the island is shown the Channel Battery with eight seacoast howitzers. Off the southeast coast of Padre Island is marked the wreck of the Nona..(?), and the sand bar is mapped to the wreck's southeast.

Stretched halfway across the island from the Lagoon Battery is apparently an earthen and sand ramp. Halfway along it is Redoubt C with one 30 lb. Parrott Barbette and five light field guns. A Parrott (rifle) was a type of muzzle loading rifle-bore artillery weapon. It was created in 1860 and manufactured with a combination of cast iron and wrought iron. A 30 pounder had a 4.2" bore, was 126" in length, weighed 4,200 lbs. and could fire a 29 lb. shell 6,700yards. Although it had a welded wrought iron reinforcing band, it still retained a poor reputation for safety. A barbette is a mound of earth or specially protected platform on which guns are mounted to fire over a parapet.

Halfway across the island itself is Redoubt B. It has three 30 lb. Parrott Barbettes and four 24 lb. howitzer embrasures. From it to the east side of the island runs a timber wall backed by soil. Near its very end is Redoubt A. It contains two 30 lb. Parrott Rifle Barbettes and four 24 lb. howitzers. All the armament except the Channel Battery face south down the island.

Almost immediately northwest of Redoubt A and just beyond a line of sand dunes is the camp of the 81st U.S. Colored Infantry, that unbeknownst to the map maker had already been renumbered the 87th. The 34th Indiana and the 81st were to be involved in the infamous last battle of the Civil War at Palmito Ranch in May 1865 during which soldiers of the 81st saved the 34th from a complete rout by Confederate forces.

About 4,000' south of the dock is shown Dyers Island within the very south end of the Laguna del Madre. It is barely an island in that only a shallow stream of water separates it from Brazos Island. Its importance is that on its north end are five hospital buildings. That they are isolated may be due to the fact that they were treating less wounded than they were victims of cholera, dysentery, and yellow fever.

On the left 12" of the map are six figures that illustrate in detail the construction of the redoubts, the timber fence, and other defense structures of earth and sand.

By the time map 2 was drawn considerable additional construction had occurred at the depot. Three piers are now shown, the largest being T shaped. A double row of six large buildings extend in a southeast direction from near the channel. Sixty-two smaller buildings line the outer perimeter of the larger structures. At least 50 other structures have been erected around the docks and the north end of the island. Where the Coastal Battery once stood a lighthouse now has been erected. The timber defense line across the east half of the island is still in place but the soil embankment line is gone. The hospitals are gone from Dyers Island.

The five foot gage railroad track, the very first in the Lower Rio Grande Valley, runs from the dock area by Redoubt B on its way down the east side of the island and close to the shoreline. Its purpose is to facilitate the transport of military materiel from the port to the river where steamboats would carry it upstream. Called Sheridan's Railroad after General Phil Sheridan, who was sent here to prevent French and possible renewed Confederate incursion from within Mexico and to reintegrate Texans into the Union, the railroad ran four miles to Boca Chica and then five miles more to White Ranch. The railroad, with the official name "Brazos Santiago and Rio Grande Railroad", had its first track laid in May 1864. The bridge across Boca Chica was erected in August of that year and a locomotive and eight platform cars were soon unloaded only to be almost immediately transshipped to Fort Morgan, Alabama when Union forces in the Valley reduced their complement. Beyond the Boca Chica trestle crossing a tent camp is shown near the end of the road coming from the river. It appears to be on a loma of the Bahia Grande. Sandy flats subject to tidal overflows are noted south of Boca Chica. Closer to Whites Ranch on the road is shown a larger tent camp.

With the cessation of the war Sheridan still wanted to extend the rail, completed in December 1865, from White Ranch to Brownsville but was denied funds for his request.

The system was sold without inspection to two Californians, West and Chenery, for $108,000. They overpaid but were gambling that they could win rights from the state to extend the line to Brownsville. They didn't. In January 1867 they sued the government claiming the property had been misrepresented. Fortunately for them the government took back the line the following month, for in March a strong norther brought exceptionally high tides that washed out or inundated portions of the track. The hurricane of October 1867 completed the devastation. Nearly all the infrastructure was demolished. The railroad would disappear into the shifting sands except for long lasting trestle timbers to be found here and there. The maps document history now obscured by time.

Addendum III to The Story of Union Forces in South Texas During the Civil War

When the Union Helped Mexico Independence **

Norman Rozeff

October 2009

Mexico, more often than not has looked at its giant neighbor to the north with suspicion. In the 19th century heavy-handed intrusions, frequently leading to loss of territory, have been reason enough to be skeptical of American intentions. It may come as a surprise then for readers to learn of events in which the U. S. acted to promote the independence and physical integrity of Mexico. Of course, this country's self-interests also played a role.

As the American Civil War drew to a close, Federal political and military leaders in Washington became concerned with what might happen to Confederate States of America armed forces after a ceasefire was reached. .

** This essay is drawn largely from "The Memoirs of General Philip H. Sheridan" Vol.II, Part V, Chapter IX.

The thought was that soldiers in Texas, with their armament, would slip south of the border into Mexico. There they might side with the Hapsburg Archduke Ferdinand Maximilian who had been proclaimed Emperor of Mexico. Maximilian was waging a war with native forces lead by Benito Juarez. Additionally the possibility existed that the lightly-secured border could then be breached by a combined force aimed at returning Texas and regions to its west to the fold of Mexico.

This being the situation, on May 17, 1865 Major General Philip H. Sheridan was assigned the command west of the Mississippi and ordered to proceed to the West without delay. The letter of instruction stated "Your duty is to restore Texas, and that part of the Louisiana held by the enemy, to the Union in the shortest practicable time, in a way most effectual for securing permanent peace."

To succeed he was to be given about 25,000 men of all arms. Lt-General Ulysses S. Grant was even more specific when he wrote among other instructions: "Place a strong force on the Rio Grande, holding it at least to a point opposite Camargo, and above that of supplies can be procured." Grant later added: " I think the Rio Grande should be strongly held, whether the forces in Texas surrender or not, and that no time should be lost in getting troops there. If war is to be made, they will be in the right place." He then went on to ensure Sheridan that additional forces would be available if called for. By the end of 1865 the total number of American military men along the border was said to number 52,000.

Sheridan was ready to move but greatly disappointed in that he wouldn't be able to remain in Washington until after the Grand Review scheduled for the 23rd and 24th of May. He wished to share the this victory honor with the troops that had been under his command.

Grant, however, in a personal meeting with Sheridan, provided him an additional motive for the urgent action. He stated that "he looked upon the invasion of Mexico by Maximilian as part of the rebellion itself because of the encouragement that invasion had received from the Confederacy, and that our success in putting down secession would never be complete till the French and Austrian invaders were compelled to quit the territory of our sister republic. With regard to this matter, though, he said it would be necessary for me to act with great circumspection, since the Secretary of State, Mr. Seward, was much opposed to the use of our troops along the border in any active way that would be likely to involve us in a war with European powers."

The French occupation of Mexico had come about through a series of miscalculations on the part of former Chief Justice of Mexico and then President, Benito Pablo Juarez. In 1857 and 1858 civil war had broken out between the liberals led by Juarez and the conservatives. In 1859 the U. S. recognized Juarez as the legitimate President. That year after issuing a church confiscation decree, Juarez also suspended all payments to foreign creditors. This was followed by the seizure of the port of Vera Cruz by France, British, and Spain. The latter two were repaid, but not France. This provided Louis Napoleon Bonaparte a pretext to proclaim a Mexican monarchy that was soon accepted by the conservatives. The ten obscure general, Porfirio Diaz, routed the French in the battle at Puebla on May 5, 1862. The Cinco de Mayo brought about a French escalation. Initially the French overcame Liberal military opposition. Archduke Ferdinand Maximilian Joseph of Austria was offered the throne. Maximilian came to Mexico on May 28, 1864 accompanied by his wife Charlotta, who was the daughter of the King of the Belgiums, and Austrian and Belgium troops.

The 25,000 American troops embarked from City Point, Virginia. Sheridan himself went to St. Louis from where he took a steamboat to New Orleans. When he reached the mouth of the Red River in Louisiana he received word from General Canby that General Edmund Kirby-Smith, commanding the Confederate Trans-Mississippi Department had surrendered under terms similar to that of Lee at Gettysburg. However, Sheridan believed that the surrender was not carried out in good faith, "particularly by Texas troops." He would later learn that they had marched off to the interior of the State "in several organized bodies, carrying with them their camp equipage, arms, ammunition, and even some artillery, with the ultimate purpose of going to Mexico." This knowledge was to color Sheridan's actions from that time forward.

As a consequence Sheridan broke the forces under him into two units. One, under General J. F. Herron set out for Houston and San Antonio. The Fourth Corps was split between Victoria and San Antonio The bulk of the Twenty-fifth Corps under General Frederick Steele went to Brazos Santiago with a goal to hold Brownsville and the line of the Rio Grande. Once here its object was to prevent the escaping Confederates from joining forces with Maximilian. In June Sheridan himself went to Brownsville in an effort to impress the Imperialists.

In May 1864 construction of a unique railroad had begun. Sheridan gave orders to rush the completion of the railroad from the Brazos Santiago docks south across Boca Chica and on to Clarksville, a distance of about 18 miles. It would abet the movement of supplies for the forces to come. This became the Valley's first, albeit short-lived, railroad.

Scouts and spies were sent out along the border and into northern Mexico in order to check on the movement of Imperial forces and also the state of ex-confederates. General Steele made a show of force along the Rio Grande and asked the Imperialist General, Tomas Mejia, in Matamoros to return certain armaments and munitions that had been turned over to him by fleeing Confederates. The fact was that after the last battle of the Civil War at Palmito Hill, the ranking Confederate general in South Texas, James E. Slaughter, over the objection of Col. John "Rip" Ford, had sold Mejia artillery for 20,000 silver pesos. Slaughter intended to keep the proceeds for himself or the no longer existing Confederacy, but Ford rightfully insisted that the money belonged to the troops. Ford arrested Slaughter at pistol-point, confiscated the silver, and distributed the funds as back pay to the Calvary of the West.

At first Mejia was intimidated almost to the point that he was ready to withdraw from the region. Then word from Washington and a softening of the American stance allowed him the continued occupation of the city. At this point Maximilian's army came to possess all the accessible sections of Mexico. The Republic under President Juarez almost succumbed.

Hardly circumspect, Sheridan on his own initiative took aggressive action. Going to San Antonio he reviewed Merritt's cavalry and the Fourth Corps stationed there. He then took a cavalry regiment to Fort Duncan across from Piedras Negras, Mexico on the Rio Grande. Once here he opened communications with President Juarez through one of the latter's staff. The word of this spread quickly, and rumors flew that additional troops from San Antonio might soon be on the way. Naturally this inspired those promoting the Liberal cause. The deception was further strengthened when inquiries were circulated in Mexico about the availability of forage. These reports and demonstrations were effective, for the Imperialists were so alarmed that they withdrew French and Austrian troops from Matamoros and practically the whole of northern Mexico as far as Monterrey. General Mejia, however, with his pro-Imperialist Mexican soldiers continued to garrison Matamoros.

This retreat encouraged the Juaristas. A considerable number of army recruits were collected at Camargo, Mier, and other points. Meanwhile Juan Nepomucena Cortina commenced to harass the defenders of Matamoras and kept them tied up. Sheridan in a duplicitous action purposely left arms and ammunition on the U.S. side of the border but allowed them to fall into the hands of the Liberals under General Escobedo, who Sheridan profiled as "a man of much force of character." Complaints in a correspondence by the French Minister sent to the State Department were passed directly on to Sheridan. Washington again directed the preservation of strict neutrality.

Unhappy with the leadership of either General Cortina or General Antonio Canales, Sheridan turned to the older General, Jose Maria Jesus Carvajal (also spelled Carabajal), with whom he was not impressed. After the French invasion the Texas–born and bilingual Carvajal had been made a General of Division, sent to the U. S. on a delicate mission, and entrusted to purchase arms, munitions of war, war vessels, and issue bonds of his country to the extent of thirty million dollars. For this his nation was indebted.

Mejia, pressured by Cortina and Canales, had recently abandoned Matamoros. After visiting Carvajal in Matamoros Sheridan came away with the strong conviction that the aged general was unsuitable. He recommended Major Young as a liaison and a go-between.

Major Young took it upon himself to recruit in New Orleans a band of men to act as bodyguards for Carvajal, but before they arrived Canales had deposed Carvajal. Later these mercenaries tried to reach Escobedo to provide the same service. Their party was attacked on American soil by ex-Confederates and renegade Mexican rancheros. Young was killed and a number of his men were drowned as they attempted to escape across the river. Twenty did escape and joined Escobedo, but they were in no shape to do much for him.

Juarez's term as President of the Mexican Republic expired in December 1865, but due to the circumstances he continued in office by proclamation. This was despite the Mexican Constitution provision designating the President of the Supreme Court for the succession. This individual, Ortega, was in the U.S. and now came forward to claim the presidency. He proceeded to New Orleans and then sailed for Brazos Santiago. Sheridan sent instructions to Col. Sedgewick, commanding Brownsville, and who also had soldiers in Matamoros protecting neutral merchants there, to arrest Ortega and turn him over to Escobedo after Escobedo took authorized control of Matamoros. This was executed and Ortega was removed from further machinations.

During the winter and spring of 1865-66 Sheridan covertly supplied arms and ammunition to the Liberals. As many as 30,000 muskets came from the Baton Rouge Arsenal alone. By mid-summer Juarez, now with a good size army, had possession of the whole Rio Grande border region.

With words flying that French troops were to be withdrawn, Empress Carlotta sailed home to beg assistance from Napoleon III. Her pleas fell on deaf ears, for on January 10, 1867 Napoleon sent a message to the French consul in New Orleans. It read in part:

"Do not compel the Emperor to abdicate, but do not delay the departure of the troops; bring back all those who will not remain there."

The abandoned Maximilian held on until the spring. Taken prisoner at Santiago de Queretaro, he was tried and executed (June 19, 1867). Secretary of State Seward tried to save Maximilian from execution. His message passed through Sheridan at New Orleans. Sheridan sped it on to Tampico from where one of his scouts, Sgt. White, carried it cross-country. Seward's entreaty was refused. General Tomas Mejia was also executed by a firing squad. The fact was that Maximilian had shown little mercy to his opponents when he had the upper hand. His reign from April 10, 1864 was little more than three years.

It is clear that the appearance of American forces along the border keyed resistance for partisans of the Republic. As Sheridan was to write: "Our appearance in such force along the border permitted Liberal leaders, refugees from their homes, to establish rendezvous whence they could promulgate their plans in safety, while the countenance thus given the cause, when hope was well-nigh gone, incited the Mexican people to renewed resistance. Beginning again with scant means, for they had lost about all, the Liberals saw their cause, under the influence of such significant and powerful backing, progress and steadily grow so strong that within two years Imperialism had receive its death-blow."

That twist in history is how the Union helped to secure Mexico's independence. Benito Juarez remained in power until his death in 1872. In 1877 the hero of Puebla, Porfirio Diaz, became President and remained in office for 30 years.

Bales of cotton stored along the Matamoros, Mexico shoreline of the Rio Grande.

 

Fort Brown and Rio Grande steamboats as seen from Matamoros, Mexico

Edmund J. Davis as a Union officer.

 

Maj. Gen. Nathaniel P. Banks.

 

Maj. Gen. Francis J. Herron

 

Gen. Hamilton P. Bee, CSA

 

Col. John S. "Rip" Ford, CSA

Harper's Weekly Drawing of Brazos Santiago Landing, November 2, 1863
      Note: Point Isabel Lighthouse in the right middle distance.

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